Why
Was The Reform Appealing?
Image: Portrait of Jean Calvin, Reformer
of Geneva (1509-1564)
Why did this movement for religious
reform succeed where others had failed? In assessing the popularity of this
“evangelical movement,” we have to bear in mind that people heard what they
wanted or needed to hear…and what people wanted to hear was not always the
same as the message Luther and the other reformers thought they were conveying.
A. The Appeal to Intellectuals and Clergy
Initially, the new teachings gained
an influential following among intellectuals, most of them church people.
Luther was a Catholic priest, and so were nearly all of his followers, at first.
In its initial phases, the Reformation was a movement by, of, and for clerics.
Dozens of talented, intelligent, and successful priests and scholars embraced
Luther’s ideas very quickly: never before had so many members of the Catholic
clergy defected from orthodoxy, and that fact marked the Reformation off from
all of its predecessors.
Why? It is difficult to specify any
single reason;
- No doubt, some intellectuals were
drawn to reform for the same reasons that Luther himself had been: Luther
had been tormented about sin and the burden of penance; it is also clear that
he found his doctrine of faith totally liberating.
- Mystics may have been drawn by
Luther’s irrationalism: religious teachings that emphasized a mystical relationship
between God and human beings were quite popular in northern Europe in the
fifteenth century;
- Many humanists may have been attracted
by the fact that Luther and Zwingli used the critical tools of humanist scholarship
to analyze the Bible and the writings of the early Church theologians.
- Many intellectuals may have been
attracted by the promise of “normalization”: the reformers advocated the notion
that priests should marry and become part of the their communities.
- There was a generational element,
too: many intellectuals who joined the movement were as young or even younger
than Luther and Zwingli, an internationally connected intellectual elite who
thought of themselves as a group with common goals and common enemies.
The situation changed dramatically when
Luther’s teachings were officially condemned in 1520: from then on, to support
Luther was to defend a condemned heretic and to challenge the authority of the
pope. Before long, a kind of “generation gap” emerged between intellectuals born
before and after 1490: members of the older generation tended to reject the movement,
once its implications became clear.
Whatever the reason, Luther’s appeal to an ecclesiastical audience
provided him with a kind of international “fifth column,” at least during the
brief period before papal condemnation in 1520; as Luther himself put it in
1522,
I opposed indulgences and all
the papists, but never with force. I simply taught, preached, and wrote God’s
word; otherwise I did nothing. And while I slept or drank Wittenberg beer
with my…the Word so greatly weakened the papacy that no prince or emperor ever
inflicted such losses on it. I did nothing; the Word did everything.
Had I desired to foment trouble, I could have brought great bloodshed upon Germany…but
what would it have been? Mere fool’s play. I did nothing; I let
the Word do its work.
B. The Appeal to Urban Audiences: Reformation and 'Sacral Community'
By comparison to intellectuals, lay people—even educated ones—were
slower to take up the new teachings; thus the poet Ulrich von Hutten initially
regarded the ‘Luther Affair’ as row among theologians and nothing more. Still,
one thing that stands out about the Reformation is that it was an urban event—a
movement that took place first and foremost in the cities of northern Europe,
among city folk. Why?
- Perhaps part of the answer is
that cities possessed the concentration of people, the literary awareness,
and the political sophistication to transform the ideas of preachers into
a mass movement. It was simply easier for urban tradesmen (for example) to
learn about Reformation, become enthusiastic about it, and then press reform
measures on the city fathers—who after all only lived a few blocks away.
But these characteristics are common
to all kinds of cities, then and now. Some historians argue that the relationship
went beyond this, and argue that for a variety of reasons, the Reformation was
uniquely attractive to city people: In rough outline, the argument goes
something like this:
1) The cities of Germany, especially, had a tradition of secular
civic involvement in the regulation of religious life that made them unusually
receptive to the ideas of Reformation: cities had long been perceived as sacred
communities—communities that were not simply political but were thought to have
an important role to play in religious life, too.
- For them, preserving the political
rights and freedoms of their cities was a matter of considerable religious
importance.
2) On the eve of the Reformation, many
city people sensed that their rights and freedoms were under attack:From within:
many feared that the ruling classes—merchants and nobles—would take over control
of city government, at the expense of artisans and trade guilds—much as had already
happened in Italy. From outside: many feared that princes would succeed
in establishing their rule over cities.
- Either way, city folk perceived
a threat to their freedoms and to their “sacred communities”: these fears
resonated especially with the urban “middle classes”—especially artisans—who
proved particularly receptive to the Protestant message.
3) A final attraction was this: by eliminating
the division between the priesthood and the laity, Protestants seemed to be endorsing
the idea that laypeople should be able to control the institutions of religious
life. City governments were doing this already; Protestantism seemed to confirm
that their involvement in religious affairs was just and proper.
- On balance, then, the Reformation
did well in the cities because certain reformers reaffirmed the values of
“sacred community,” especially the idea that cities should have authority
over religious matters and play a role in building the Kingdom of God on earth.
C. The Appeal to Rural Folk: A
"Revolution of the Common Man"?
What about the great mass of the population—the 90% who lived in the countryside
of Europe, in villages and hamlets, and who made ends meet from agriculture?
Did the Reformation appeal to them? It is here, perhaps, that we must be especially
cautious: rural people, just like city folk, often heard what they wanted to
hear, and what they wanted to hear was not always the same thing as what Luther,
Zwingli, and the other reformers intended.
At the beginning of the term, we saw
that late medieval people had what one historian called “an immense appetite
for the divine”; what made this religiosity so vibrant was that Christianity
was essentially about local community.
- People thought about “sin” primarily
in social terms; the “deadly” sins—especially pride, envy, anger—were all
about human interaction in community; the were the worst sins because they
destroyed community.
- Sin and salvation were not individualistic:
If you sinned against someone else, you also sinned against that persons kin
and relatives; to make up for the sin—penance—meant restoring relations between
one kin-group and another.
This sense of community extended beyond death to link the living and the dead:
Sin, salvation, the main rituals of religious practice were collective affairs.
But what, if anything, did any of this
have to do with the causes of Reformation? Did popular piety predispose rural
people in favor of the Reformation? Some historians argue that did—but
not exactly on the terms that Luther, Zwingli, and the other reformers had intended.
The argument goes like this:
1) Before the Reformation, the religious activism of rural
people took a variety of practical forms: one expression was the pious fraternity,
which I have mentioned before; pious fraternities could be found everywhere,
from the biggest towns to the smallest village.
- Another practical form of this
activism was a widespread but diffuse movement of rural people to take control
of their own parishes: Increasingly, people demanded the right to elect their
own priests; increasingly, villages were prepared to “put their money where
their mouth was,” so to speak, by paying the salaries of parish priests and
chaplains in return for the right to hire and fire.
The picture emerges of an assertive,
grassroots movement for autonomous, communal control over local spiritual life.
This “movement” lacked focus: you have to imagine many hundreds of villages acting
similarly for common reasons, but without any unity or coordination.
- In some parts of Germany and Switzerland,
perhaps as many as one third of the rural priesthood was being paid out of
local funds by 1500;
- This movement was aimed directly
at many of the abuses that had been criticized during the “Age of Councils,”
such as pluralism--the fact that one cleric could be priest in several parishes
at once--and absenteeism--the fact that priests were so often absent from
the posts, and hired poorly educated substitutes to do their work for them;
and so on.
2) So far I have been describing phenomena
that were common to town and country; in the countryside, the fifteenth century
was also a period of increasing social unrest, especially in Germany and Switzerland:
the number and frequency of peasant rebellions increased dramatically from 1450
on; there was, in other words, a rising tide of political assertiveness,
too.
- Sometimes religious and political
assertiveness united—as in the year 1476, when a popular, unauthorized pilgrimage
to the village of Niklashausen transformed in to a popular uprising against
the Church and its abuses.
- This political movement was aimed
at a series of perceived social and political abuses—the introduction of Roman
Law, for example, was perceived to threaten local custom.
- But the greatest complaint was
against serfdom—the idea that a lord could actually own the body of another
human being.
3) These movements—religious and political—were
strongest in those parts of Europe where local, communal institutions were strongest:
especially Switzerland, but also large portions of southern and western Germany.
Then, beginning in around 1520 or so, rural people began to hear about a new religious
teaching that seemed to endorse their desire for greater local control.
- The new teachings seemed to be
saying that the Bible supported them in their grievances against the corruption
of the church.
- The new teachings seemed to be
saying that all believers should have an equal say in religious affairs;
- The new teachings seemed to be
saying that all believers were equal in the sight of God, and that no man
could therefore own another; and so on.
4) It all came together in 1525 and great
Peasants’ War of that year: a local disturbance in the borderlands between Germany
and Switzerland in late 1524 quickly spread to nearby regions in the Black Forest,
Alsace, central Germany, and Austria. Initially a social upheaval, the rebellion
quickly took on religious overtones: by the spring of 1525, the rebellious peasants
were defending their demands on Biblical grounds.
- This was a change of revolutionary
dimensions: the Reformation—as rural people perceived it—had created a language
of social protest that anyone could speak.
- The Peasants’ War of 1525 was
arguably the greatest social upheaval in European history prior to the French
Revolution in 1789.
A few reformers saw their chance to transform
the world—Thomas Müntzer and Balthasar Hubmair, to name two of the most prominent
reformers who cast their lot with the rebellious peasants.
- But in general, the reformers
rejected peasant movement and its demands; Luther, in particular, condemned
the rebels in the harshest terms, and even encouraged princes to slaughter
them without mercy.
- On balance, then, the alliance
(if there ever was one) between rural communes and the Reformation never took
hold, soon turned to hostility.
- Some have argued that this explains
the absence of rural people from the reform “coalition”: the experience of
1525 was one of betrayal, and as a result, the attractions of Reformation
receded almost as quickly as it had emerged.
Converting the countryside would prove
to be an arduous process spanning decades.