
<>1904:1907; Russia
experienced four years of extreme political disorder with the First Russian
Revolution (the 1905 Revolution) at the center
- Main sources of disorder =
- Main streams that flowed into the flood of events called the
1905 Revolution [1905
REVOLUTION LOOP]
- Main results of the 1905 Revolution =
- Widespread rural disorder [LOOP
on "peasants"] lent urgency to broad public political mobilization [LOOP
on "union"]
- First formal, elected legislative assembly in Russian history,
THE STATE DUMA
- Last great gesture of the imperial reform tradition, the agrarian
reforms of
PETR STOLYPIN
- Activism as an expression of civil society and what might be
called grassroots interest-politics did not achieve this broad scope or reach these levels again for eighty years
[ID]
- English scholar
Bernard Pares was on the scene and observed some of the major political
events of this era [bibliography]
- The 1905 Revolution is frequently called 'The First Russian Revolution"
- "The Second Russian Revolution"
followed 12 years later, in the winter of 1917
[ID]
- "The Soviet Revolution" (aka "The
Bolshevik Revolution" or "The Communist Revolution" or "The
October Revolution" or -- throughout the
Soviet period of Russian history -- "Great October") followed
eight months later [ID]
\\
*--Boris Nikolaevich Mironov,
The social history of Imperial Russia, 1700-1917 (2000) presents the
most comprehensive historical analysis of the rise of civil society and the rule
of law in the centuries prior to revolutionary crises in the early 20th century
*--Andrew Verner,
The Crisis of
Russian Autocracy: Nicholas II and the 1905 Revolution
*--Thomas S. Pearson,
Russian Officialdom in Crisis: Autocracy and Local Self-Government, 1861-1900
*--Jacob Walkin,
The Rise of Democracy in Pre-Revolutionary Russia: Political and Social
Institutions Under the Last Three Tsars
On the 1905 Revolution itself =
*--Abraham Ascher,
The Revolution of 1905. Volume 1:Russia in Disarray. 2:Authority
Restored
*------------------------, "German Socialists and the Russian Revolution of
1905",
MIR:260-77
*--Sidney Harcave,
The Russian Revolution of 1905
*--A. E. Healy, The Russian Autocracy in Crisis:1905-1907 (Hamden
CN:1976)
<>1904:1905; German
sociologist of world fame and influence, Max Weber (1864-1924), published
articles, later a book, The Protestant Ethic and the Spirit of Capitalism
- This famous book revealed the depths of Weber's "disenchantment" with
the direction of his beloved "bourgeois" European culture
- The rise of market economies in the 19th century promised
liberal freedoms. When the Protestant ethic inspired the early spirit of
capitalism and was inspired by it in turn, the market economy liberated
human energies. Entrepreneurial enterprise rested on the "saintly" European
shoulder like a light and welcome cloak
- But now economic enterprise in this great "second industrial revolution"
had become routinized and bureaucratic. It threatened creative energies with
incarceration in a "disenchanted" industrial giganticism and
financial managerialism
- The light and welcome cloak had become "an iron cage" [TXT
of the famous "iron cage" expression at the bottom of Ch. 5] [TXT
of Ch. 5 as whole] [TXT
of Ch. 2] [Excerpts =
CCS:668-98 |
CCS,2:67-97]
- More Weber bibliography =
[W] [CWC:151
|
CCS:359-61, 409]
- In these years Weber's attentions were pulled west and east,
westward toward USA and then eastward toward Russia
- First, he visited USA in order to give a lecture at the St. Louis
"Louisiana Purchase Exposition" [world's fair]). As a result of this visit,
he wrote a long article "Protestant Sects and the Spirit of Capitalism"
(1906) [TXT].
This noteworthy article has been neglected, perhaps because of the
similarity of its title with the famous book above. Here Weber wrote, "In
the past and up to the very present, it has been a characteristic precisely
of the specifically American democracy that it did not constitute a formless
sand heap of individuals, but rather a buzzing complex of strictly
exclusive, yet voluntary associations"
- On this trip to USA, Weber visited and described the great mid-continent
city Chicago. He was amazed by the vibrancy, energy and verve of the
sprawling urban center, stretching westward from the banks of Lake Michigan,
and he was appalled by it in equal measure. The biography of Weber written
by his wife Marianne Weber quotes his descriptive letter back home in which
he marveled at the vastness of the powerful city, more extensive than
London. Weber's most vivid impression of Chicago was of a raw, crude power.
Except for the better residential areas,
Chicago resembled to him a wild, giant human being with skin removed and
all organic processes revealed
- Compare Weber's 1904 reaction to Chicago with Hippolyte Taine's 1872
reaction to London [TXT]
- Weber's dark vision of corporate capitalism in "The West" was somewhat
eased, but not cleared, by what he saw in USA here in the Progressive Era
- Back home in Germany,
Weber turned his attentions eastward, toward Russia (for which he
studied Russian in order to follow the portentous 1905 Russian Revolution)
\\
*--Reinhard Bendix was one of the most influential Weber acolytes in the USA. He
relied heavily on Weber for his essay "The Cultural and Political Setting of
Economic Rationality in Western and Eastern Europe", in Reinhard Bendix, ed.,
State and Society: A
Reader in Comparative Political Sociology (1973, on shelf next to
1968:First ed)
<>1904:Geographical Journal 23:424-31. USA
geo-politician H. J. Mackinder published "The Geographical Pivot of History" [TXT]
*--Russia, he wrote, was the geo-political heartland within which the future of
the world was to be determined
[ID]
\\
*--Parker,
Historical Geography:29, 329, 371-4, 377
<>1904:Russian writer
of growing world fame
Leo Tolstoy on
church and state [VSB,3:733]
<>1904:USA Senator
from Indiana Albert Beveridge published
The Russian
Advance after traveling the Trans-Siberian Railroad [RFP2,1:153-67]
- Beveridge made a "pilgrimage" to Leo Tolstoy's Tula estate "Yasnaia
poliana"
[ID]. Kurt Grotz has kindly supplied photos relating to Beveridge's
visit =
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
- This
railroad trip across Siberia and Russia was a sobering personal
revelation about "racial" harmony among Russians and
Chinese in Manchuria, and thus a direct challenge to his
famous imperialist speeches in the previous decade
- By the end of his life, having absorbed the lessons of the
Progressive Era, Beveridge was writing
a biography
of Abraham Lincoln (much as Ida Tarbell turned her energies to the study
of Lincoln's legacy)
<>1904:USA sociologist
Thorstein Veblen published The
Theory of Business Enterprise [excerpts in
CCC3,2:900-27 |
CCS:660-7 |
CCS,2:40-7]. He emphasized historical particularities of time and place
rather than universal laws of economics. He felt that an industrial and
engineering elite offered the best resolution -- a "technocratic" resolution --
of social and economic dislocations caused by large-scale industrial
modernization
<>1904:USA
Chicago| Russian history professor and political activist
Pavel N. Miliukov delivered lectures which were one year later published in
book form as
Russia and
Its Crisis
- Miliukov strove to explain Russian politics to Americans [cf.
RRC2,2#35]
- He found part of Russian particularity in its medieval history, so
unlike that of "The West"
[TXT]
- He also put great weight on the shape Peter the Great gave to Russian
history
[ID]
- Miliukov was close to the
Zemstvo liberal movement, only now in the process of organizing itself
formally as a political party back in Russia
<>1904ja02:ja05;
Saint Petersburg |
Union of Liberation [Soiuz Osvobozhdeniia] founding conference agreed
on political program [DPH:296]
-
Liberals in novel
political parties were now functioning more or less openly within Russia
- And a vigorous
union movement added strength to a surprising and broad public
mobilization that appeared before the Russo-Japanese war broke out and
continued at a heavier pace thereafter
<>1904ja26:1905au23;
Manchuria | Russo-Japanese war opened when Japan attacked Russian
outposts [MAP]
\\
*--Narrative summary of the war [TXT]
*--Denis Warner and P. Warner,
Tide at Sunrise:
A History of the Russo-Japanese War,1904-1905
*--J.N. Westwood,
Russia
Against Japan, 1904-1905:A New Look at the Russo-Japanese War
<>1904fe:Plehve approved
charter of Assembly of Saint Petersburg workers. Recreated state-controlled
labor unions or "police
socialism"
- Soon Orthodox priest
Father Gapon was in charge
- The
union movement expanded well beyond the factory floor and flourished
well beyond state control
-
Wage-labor, like all other Russian social formations in these years, was
shaking off state efforts to protect and expand old tsarist social/service
hierarchies
- In "actual fact" (de facto) -- even if not by "legal
prescription" (de jure) -- increasingly large functioning groups of
people in the Empire could no longer be packaged within traditional
social/service hierarchies
[ID]
- Russian society was transformed, in part as a result of natural
demographic shifts and economic transformations, but also in part as a
result of reforms introduced by the state itself over the previous four
decades
<>1904sp:Zemstvo liberal
Dmitrii Shipov met a third time with Plehve and
Witte in the hope that the state might cut some slack for expanding Zemstvo
movement
- That very spring, Plehve refused to approve several Zemstvo elections of
popular
liberal activists who were associated with vigorous
Zemstvo mobilization on an Empire-wide scale to aid the failing official
war effort
- A Union of Liberation conference deliberated on the possible need to
organize a coup d'état against the jealous and exclusionary state
[Ganelin:54]
<>1904my04:Socialist
Revolutionary Party [SRs] Draft program [H05:268-73]
The big agrarian socialist movement was working to define itself as an organized
political party
<>1904jy15:SRs "Battle
Organization" assassinated Russian Interior Minister, Count Viacheslav Plehve,
ending his
15-year career
- Plehve was the last powerful "official reactionary" Interior Minister.
His was the last gasp of a policy that dominated the reign of Alexander III
and, so far, that of Nicholas II
- And yet Plehve was a reactionary who with reluctance and without
consistency understood the need for certain measured and tightly controlled
reforms
[EG]
- Still, we can see that over the previous twenty years of quickened
public mobilization, statist reactionaries were rolling back the Great
Reforms, shifting the body-politic toward their imagined two-part pre-modern
order =
(1) autocratic absolutism, managed in the interests of certain ensconced
insider elites who nested at the bureaucratic upper tip of
(2) enforced pyramidal
social/service hierarchies
- SRs and their "Battle Organization" issued a declaration to peasants
explaining their position on political terror
[TXT], giving specific emphasis to Plehve's role in the suppression
of Peasant disorder in Kharkov and Poltava provinces
[ID]
- Boris Viktorovich Savinkov (1879-1925), a leader among
SRs, was an active participant in the assassination of Plehve
- Six months later, he helped carry out the assassination of Grand Prince
Sergei Aleksandrovich
[ID]
- He was an aristocrat with strong affinities to Imperial military
culture. He was an admirer of Napoleon and served briefly in the French army
during WW1
-
Savinkov described his life of dark personal deracination and moral
indirection in novels and in a memoir [bbl]
\\
*--Amy Knight, “Female Terrorists in the Russian Socialist Revolutionary Party”
[TXT]
<>1904au26:1905ja;
Russian Interior Minister Sviatopolk-Mirskii abandoned reactionary policies of
his assassinated predecessor and tried moderation for five crucial months
- Assassination of Plehve and elevation of Sviatopolk-Mirskii marked the
end of a quarter-century era of reactionary state policy [LOOP
back two decades]
- And they marked the beginning of the 1905 Revolution [read on to
1904de12 to continue the 1905 LOOP]
- Political concessions made by Nicholas II only whetted the appetite of
oppositional forces. An old revolutionary truth appeared vindicated =
Opposition intensifies when authorities make concessions to it
- Once again (as
in the first Russian epoch of political terror) the state appeared to
bend before the threat of terror when it made political concessions to a
fledgling civil society. It was both tragic and ironic that the immaturity
of Russian civil society -- its inability to respond with strength to
governmental concession -- followed straight from oppressive state policy
over the previous decades, eased now only in a time of revolutionary crisis
and
terrorism
<>1904se08:+; Russia | BzmvS mtg
regularly; planned no06:Zmv mtg [Ganelin:14]
<>1904se17:se25; Paris
conference of revolutionary and oppositional
political parties [H05:54-5
| Ganelin:13-15,54]
<>1904oc25:Dmitrii Shipov
met with Sviatopolk-Mirskii to seek approval of
national Zemstvo Congress [Ganelin:16-21]
*--A sign of crisis,
the tsarist state wavered between repressive and concessionary actions
<>1904oc31:BzmvS mtg- S-M who wld
not approve open, lgl mtg of Zmv [Ganelin:22]
<>1904no:Union
of Liberation issued program [VSB,3:724]
*--Over the next months, the Union encouraged formation of various separate
unions of vocational intelligentsia, engineers and technicians. These were not
state-sponsored but voluntary "grass-roots"
unions
<>1904no04:+; Sviatopolk-Mirskii
report [GARF, cited in Ganelin:56] Nicholas I agreed with the report
[Ganelin:32]
<>1904no06:no09; Saint
Petersburg | First national congress of Zemstvo, led by
Dmitrii Shipov, issued 11 theses [VSB,3:741-3
|
H05:279-81 |
MR&C2:385]
*--Banquet campaign began
<>1904de:Paris meeting
of Russian liberal & revolutionary political parties agreed to cooperate (SDs
did not participate)
- Delegates signed a declaration which stated, in part =
None of the parties represented at the meeting, in uniting for concerted
action, thinks for a moment of abandoning any point of its particular
program, or of the tactical methods of the struggle which are adapted to
the necessities, the forces, and the situation of the social elements,
classes, or nationalities whose interests it represents. [Extreme
expropriation of property and
terrorism sharply divided this wide spectrum of oppositional
parties.] But, at the same time, all declare that the principles
expressed below are recognized by all of them:
(1) The abolition of the autocracy; revocation of all the
measures curtailing the constitutional rights of
Finland.
(2) The substitution for the autocracy of a democratic régime
based on universal suffrage.
(3) The right of every nationality to decide for itself;
freedom of the national development, guaranteed by the law; suppression
of all violence on the part of the Russian government, as practiced
against the different nationalities.
- Points (1) & (2) addressed the central concern of Russian political
opposition, expressed time again over the previous century = the
autocratic-bureaucratic state and traditional social/service hierarchies
- Point (3) now moved toward political center stage after many decades
thundering in the wings like a threatening storm
- Miliukov acknowledged that this declaration left out any reference to
economic reform. The groups could not agree on that, but decided to put off
the political struggle between
liberals, who were moderate on the matter of economic reform, and
socialists, who pushed for economic egalitarianism. First, defeat the common
enemy, the tsarist state, and, second, substitute democratic for old tsarist
social relations, then, third, tackle the divisive economic issues. It
seemed prudent at this time to concentrate on clearing autocracy and
dysfunctional
social/service hierarchies out of the way before these
political parties renewed struggle among themselves on the economic
questions [MR&C2:381-2]
- These negotiated maneuvers correspond very closely to one plausible
visual representation of just what a civil society is [TXT]
<>1904de02:de06 & de08;
Russian ministers debated Sviatopolk-Mirskii report
*--Witte
wrote draft of de12:Ukaz (below) [MR&C2:387]
<>1904de05:Russia | Union
of engineers & technicians, the first professional union [PR&R]
- In this same month an Academic union formed to link publicly active
forces in universities. Chemist Vladimir Vernadskii at Moscow University was
a major force in this movement. Over the next few weeks, under the urging of
the
Union of Liberation, SPB Elektrotechnicheskii Institut professor A. A.
Brandt pulled together a programmatic statement of higher educational issues
which was signed by 342 professors, and was issued in early 1905 as "The
Declaration of the 342"
- State manipulated labor
unions began to show some independence from official control
- Institutions of higher learning were at the forefront of aroused public
activism, but professional organizations,
universities and other scholarly institutions acted in close harmony
with movements throughout the whole imperial social-political-economic
organism
\\
*--WCS
<>1904de11:(NS?)Saint Petersburg labor
demonstration [MR&C2:366-7]
<>1904de12:Russian
Emperor Nicholas II decree [Ukaz] to Russian Imperial Senate [H05:282-5
|
MR&C2:387-8 | Ganelin:39-41]
-
The tsarist state acknowledged, "When ... the need for a given change
seems advisable, WE consider it necessary to proceed with the execution of
that change, even though it leads to substantive innovations in the law".
- What seemed at first to be a specific concession to Zemstvo political
demands was also a "crack in the edifice" of unlimited autocratic authority
and decades of reactionary state policy. As Tocqueville put it, "The most
dangerous moment in the life of any bad government is when it starts to
improve itself"
- Thus this de12:Ukaz might be taken as the first moment of formal
state involvement in the Revolution of 1905
- Zemstvo
liberals rose to the forefront of broader national political
mobilization. Thus the 1905 LOOP parallels the
Zemstvo LOOP
-
1905 LOOP
<>1904de13:de31;
Azerbaijan, Baku oil fields | General strike among petroleum workers
<>1904de20:Manchuria | Russian forces in Port
Arthur capitulated to the Japanese
<>1904de30:French socialist movement tried to
create Union of French Socialists Parties [DPH:325-6]
<>1905:1916; Germany |
Albert Einstein's relativity theory published
*--The idea of "relativity" resonated far beyond the
science of physics
<>1905:English
political theorist A. V. Dicey published his Harvard University lectures on
liberalism and collectivism, Introduction to the Study of the Law of the
Constitution, which were nothing less than a history of democracy in England
in the 19th century [CCS,1:791-802]
<>1905:USA | Western
Federation of Miners [WFM], a radical labor union that broke with AFL seven
years earlier, met secretly with Daniel De Leon
[W], the head of the Socialist
Labor Party [W], and Eugene
Debs, ex-leader of the American Railway Union and now head of the Socialist
Party (founded in 1900)
- The Industrial Workers of the World [IWW or "Wobblies"] grew out of this
meeting. William "Big Bill" Haywood was a leader who opposed ordinary labor
unions because they sought compromise and non-revolutionary resolution of
the "class struggle". He opposed compromise with political institutions
unless they promoted revolution. Haywood reflected a US version of the
familiar split within socialism
[ID]. The IWW thrived mainly in the USA West and had fewer than 100,000
members. WW1 weakened the IWW, especially since its opposition to USA
involvement after 1917 seemed to some unpatriotic
- University
of Oregon "Labor Project"
- Eugene Debs ran for the Presidency three times on the Socialist Party
ticket [see his 1908my23:campaign speech delivered in his hometown, Girard
KS = "The Issue"
[TXT] delivered during his third campaign].
His two-decade political career has been all but forgotten in American
political culture
-
Political parties, protest movements and labor unions were coalescing.
In this process, civil society sometimes expanded. At other times it
narrowed or became more tightly focused.
- Social-economic concepts of "class warfare" reflected the stubborn
refusal of social elites to cooperate in the establishment of an appropriate
place for wage-labor in the post-industrial body-politic
- The more radical wing of the labor movement thus largely ignored the
political-institutional concepts embodied in the notion of civil society
[ID]
- Social-economic formations raised barriers against one another. Those
oriented toward the interests of industrial workers found it hard to include
elite social formations. Elite social formations, for their part,
intensified their efforts to limit the success of organized wage-labor
- The center of attention shifted from how social-economic groups might
adjudicate differences via effective political-institutional mediation to
how one or the other social-economic faction might seize the state and wield
it in its own particular interests
- Elite formations were more often successful at turning governmental
power against working folks. Wage-labor efforts in this direction were
declared to be criminal conspiracy
- These most bitter competitive political/social factions matured in the
Progressive Era
<>1905ja09:Saint
Petersburg | "Bloody Sunday" opened when a large but peaceful assembly of
factory workers and their families marched toward the Winter Palace, residence
of Emperor Nicholas II and his family
- The assembly carried a petition composed by union leaders Father Georgii
Gapon & Ivan Vasimov [TXT]
[H05:285-9
|
DIR2:380-3 |
CCC2,2:593-6 |
DPH:297-300 |
VSB,3:743-4]
- Troops opened fire, thus showing that indiscriminate violence was not a
monopoly of revolutionary terrorists. It served the purposes of official
terrorism as well
-
Father Gapon described Bloody Sunday [Eye:415-18]
- Working woman Vera Karelina described events [BRW:346-53]
- The diverse
union movement was consolidating its forces. Labor unions increased
pressure on officials and added to that already exerted by growing peasant
and Zemstvo political mobilization. Here at the beginning of this
revolutionary year 1905, Russian factory workers made their dramatic entry
- The
wage-labor LOOP continues. If you would like for now to skip over the
detailed account of wage-labor in the Russian 1905 Revolution,
click here
<>1905ja11:Russian
ministers ignored
Sergei Witte request to discuss the tragic implications of Bloody Sunday
[see above]
<>1905ja17; Moscow Agricultural Society member
Aleksei Ermolov reported to Nicholas II about the Gapon incident [H05:124-5
| *1925:KrA#8:49-69 |
Page:68-9]
<>1905ja18:Russian Council of Ministers met
[Ganelin:69]
<>1905ja22:oc22; A.G. Bulygin replaced
Sviatopolk-Mirskii as Interior Minister. Bulygin lasted nine months, through the
October crisis
<>1905ja22:Moscow Noble
Assembly passed "loyal" conservative resolution and a
liberal resolution [H05:105]
Gentry politics vacillated
<>1905ja29:Saint
Petersburg | Shidlovskii Commission was created to investigate labor situation
in the capital city. The commission was named after its leading figure, Senator
Shidlovskii; not to be confused with
Sergei Shidlovskii, a founder of the Octobrist political party. Commission
members were not only bureaucrats but also representatives of workers
themselves. Politically aroused workers overwhelmed bureaucrats on the
Commission, and it soon had to be dissolved
*--Official fear of spontaneous popular initiative, especially that among
wage-laborers, was so great that the commission was quickly dissolved [H05:122-3]
<>1905fe03 and 1905fe11:Council of Ministers met
[Ganelin:85f] Topic = Should elected representatives of the public be brought
into government?
<>1905fe04:Moscow | SRs
"Battle Organization" assassinated the Emperor’s uncle, Grand Prince Sergei
Aleksandrovich, with a bomb
-
Boris Savinkov participated in this shocking terrorist attack, but
double agent Azev (with ties both to the
SRs and the tsarist Interior Ministry police) played the central role [H05:127]
- Political terror was a two-edged sword, it cut in all directions,
deranging both those who wielded it and those against whom it was wielded
- Similarly, terror served the interests of both radicals who hoped to
"disorganize" the government and state reactionaries who were quick to use
the fear of terror as an excuse for broad reactionary measures and the
cessation of reform
- Nonetheless, for about a year
terrorism was diluted in the great flood of revolutionary actions coming
in from all sides
<>1905fe18:Tsar Nicholas
II issued ukaz authorizing ordinary subjects to petition him for relief of
grievances
*--Interior Minister A.G. Bulygin's rescript followed, stating that the tsar
would soon "assemble the most trustworthy men, having the confidence of
the people and elected by them, to undertake the preliminary examination and
consideration of legislative measures" [cf.
H05:129-30, and
MR&C2:394-5]
<>1905fe24:Manchuria,
Mukden | Japanese forces defeated Russian forces
- For the tsarist state, international crisis mixed with domestic crisis.
The 1905 Revolution LOOP extends through the next 30 or so SAC entries
- 1905mr31:German Kaiser Wilhelm visited Tangiers, seeming to threaten
French imperialist claims, and to threaten possible imperialist war. French
politicians, perhaps influenced by Russian experience in Manchuria, reacted
to this theatrical show of naval power. They divided on whether to become
more militant against Germany or to build stronger economic ties with
Germany so as to forestall war [BNE:199-200]
- In that same season, the esteemed French socialist leader
Jean Jaurès was refused permission to deliver an anti-war speech in
Berlin which argued that the threat of war did not derive from conflict
between the great majority of French and German
wage-laborers. Instead, it derived inevitably from capitalist/European
imperialist conflict, unrestrained on the global scene [BNE:200-1]
<>1905fe28:Office clerks &
bookkeepers union came to life
<>1905mr:1905my; Paris |
Union of Liberation program [H05:273-9]
<>1905mr:Russian Monarchical
Party [Monarkhicheskaia Partiia] founded by state servitors [chinovniks],
high-ranking aristocrats, and other "official reactionaries"
*--Compare this "official aristocratic" group and its political views with the
rural gentry aristocrats
<>1905mr12:Russian teachers formed grammar-school
union; soon physicians & lawyers formed unions
<>1905mr14:Russian Emperor issued Ukaz on freedom
of religion
<>1905ap03:Russian pharmacists' union
<>1905ap05:Russian
writers'
union
- 1905:1907; Maksim Gorky organized the publishing house "Znanie"
[knowledge] dedicated to the promotion of works by progressive writers
- He also composed radical pamphlets in connection with the revolutionary
events of this year, for which he was imprisoned, only to be released after
wide public protest
- 1906wi:He left Russia, traveled to USA, visited France, and settled in
Italy for seven productive years
- 1906:USA, NYC |
Maxim Gorky, "City of the Yellow Devil" [Hasty:128-43],
"Boredom" [TXT]
- On USA/Russian cultural relations in these years, see
Saul,2:387-96, 459-65, 557-67
<>1905ap07:Tver Governor
Urusov reported no "general dissatisfaction" or rebelliousness among peasants.
Villagers were not much interested in "the anti-government struggle on questions
of constitutions and political rights". They were interested only in land, taxes
and the war. On that last subject, peasants were patriotic, but "in truth the
present war is not popular among the peasants since it is carried on far from
Russia, and is fought for the benefit of profiteers ... and not really for
Russian interests". Peasants read newspapers closely and "are closely acquainted
with all questions found in papers of various political views." Of course, they
"interpret all news from the point of view that suits them". Urusov noted that,
whatever their political tendency, newspapers tended to rile up peasants.
Peasants nearly everywhere entertained the assumption that
redemption payments and other forms of taxation would soon come to an end.
Contradicting himself, Urusov reported that peasants closely followed national
events in newspapers, and when they read of the reform promises in
the tsarist ukaz, followed by even clearer promises in
the Bulygin rescript, they moved ahead with their own initiatives, keyed to
their perceptions of their own interests. Increasingly villagers decided to
cease unbearable payments now. Then there is the matter of robbing wood from the
privately owned forests, all justified on the basis of felt inadequacy of land
distributed to peasants at
the time of emancipation and more recent injustices worked on rural labor.
Urusov described how "four or five years ago the government office of
agriculture and State lands took away from peasant use, and enclosed, many
publicly rented fields, long under lease of peasants who had raised the fields
to a fine condition after many years of labor. Then these areas were
turned over to the protection of the forest guards. This ruined the peasants and
placed them in unbearable straits since they needed the land badly. Besides
that, the peasants ..., under the influence of recent events [i.e., spread of
violent seizure of land by peasants], are openly saying that since they have
insufficient land of their own they intend to use that of the landlords...."
Villagers who work in urban factory environment return home and stir up trouble.
Peasants do not much sympathize with factory workers. Agitators have little
influence. [Page:69-71]
<>1905ap17:Russian Emperor
issued Ukaz re. religious tolerance for Old-Ritualists [Raskolniki] [VSB,3:766]
*--The
tsarist state moved to heal
an old and great wound to the Russian "body-politic"
<>1905ap19:Geneva & Paris
| Russian SDs debated at Congress #3
- SDs split and issued Bolshevik Party and Menshevik Party programs [McC1:28-30
|
Harding:313-4]
- 1904:German (Polish-born) social-democrat Rosa
Luxemburg (1871-1919
[ID]) joined the debate about how Marxism ought to be applied to
"backward" Russia. She was a thinker able always to anchor theory in solid
practical experience and political-economic actualities. Her essay was
published in the German Social-Democratic Party newspaper Neue Zeit
[New Times] under the title "Organizational Questions of the Russian Social
Democracy" [TXT]
This essay was later published under a more polemical title, "Leninism or
Marxism?" [And even later translated and published in reverse chronological
order with her 1918 essay "Russian Revolution", edited by Bertram Wolfe,
Russian Revolution
and Leninism or Marxism?]
-
Rosa Luxemburg became a central figure in the European social-democratic
movement | Her writings on the internet =
W-TXT
- Bolshevik resolutions on the peasant movement, on
SRs, and on
liberals [VSB,3:714-15]
- Lenin expressed his views on
the peasantry in these months [VSB,3:715]
- In this year
Lenin addressed the question of religion [BMC1:624-5]
Some years later on the related topic of ethics and morality [BMC1:626]
- Henceforward
Russian Marxists, who had
formed one Social Democratic Party for nine years, operated as two --
Bolsheviks and Mensheviks
- In the meantime, back home in Russia, events slipped more deeply into
actual revolution
<>1905ap22:26; Moscow
Zemstvo Congress #2 deliberated on need for new election law (the so-called
"Four-Tail" election policy: Voting should be equal, direct, universal, and
secret) [H05:142-3]
<>1905ap27:Russian women's
rights union were a reflection of mounting revolutionary crisis in Russia, but
also of general European trends
- Organizations grew in number, size and ambition (for example, the
suffrage [election rights] movement intensified)
- Voting rights for women meant one thing in lands were men could vote; it
meant yet more in lands where no one had the right to vote
-
Feminism was becoming a public movement for women's rights
- 1906:English suffragist Emmeline Pankhurst photographed as she was
arrested [P20:1]
- Later memoirs of Russian upper-class women's everyday life in this
revolutionary epoch,
Memories of Revolution
- 1907:Tatiana Shchepkina-Kupemik, short story “First Ball” described
woman revolutionist [BRW:324-35]
- Henri Troyat, a Russian émigré author in France, wrote a fictionalized
memoir/social history of Russian
everyday life in the early 20th century,
Daily Life in Russia under the LastTsar
\\
*--Anna Hillyar and Jane McDermid,
Revolutionary Women
in Russia, 1870-1917 (2000), chapter 5 & conclusion
*--Nataliia Pushkareva,Women
in Russian History: From the Tenth to the Twentieth Century
*--Richard Stites,
The Women's
Liberation Movement in Russia: Feminism, Nihilism, and Bolshevism, 1860-1930
*--Linda Harriet Edmondson,
Feminism in
Russia, 1900-1917
<>1905my:Russia | Kokovtsov kmm
re.mfg [Roosa"Russ.Ind"(1975)]
<>1905my08:my09;
Moscow | Union of Unions [Soiuz soiuzov] founding meeting as a national
organization of all unions of working and professional people, including 14
unions of academics, lawyers, agricultural accountants, medical doctors,
veterinarians,
railroad personnel, journalists and writers, zemstvo constitutionalists,
women's and Jewish rights activists, and other engineers and technicians
- Program = convene Constituent Assembly with representatives elected
according to universal, direct, equal and secret ballot to determine the
political/institutional future of Russia
-
Pavel Miliukov presided over a 32-person Central Bureau which included
AA Brandt, AI Ventskovskii, YaN Gordeenko, IN Denisevich, SM Kliachko, LI
Lutugin, DF Sverchkov, GD Sidamonov-Eristov, ND Sokolov, and FR Ul'man
- 1905my22:Moscow | Union of Unions, congress #2. Representatives of the
radical
intelligentsia joined workers in this union
- The Union of Unions blossomed quickly over the
previous three months. It played the role of central clearing house for
many union organizations over the next half year. It continued in that role
into the intense weeks of revolutionary mobilization after the huge
Peasant Union joined forces with it. It lost some of its momentum in
1906 as activists fanned out into now-legal political parties campaigning
for seats in the new
State Duma
- 1926:MVA | Professional'noe dvizhenie: Materialy i dokumenty
[ORBIS UW]
- Zemstvo constitutionalists withdrew after this initial meeting, but by
the summer others joined
<>1905my14:my16;
Tsushima Straits between Korea and Japan | Japanese annihilated 32 Russian naval
vessels that had come all the way from European waters
<>1905my24:my26; Zemstvo
congress #3
\\
*--H05:159-60
<>1905je14:je25;
Russian Black Sea fleet, Odessa port | Russian sailors revolted on naval
Battleship Potemkin (pronounced PaTIOMkin) [Page:76-7]
- 1905je20:SDs issued a leaflet titled "To the Whole Civilized World". The
leaflet acknowledged the relationship of foreign war to domestic war (i.e.,
revolution) when it announced that "a grandiose picture of a great war of
liberation has presented itself before your very eyes"
- The battleship rested in the Odessa port long enough to hold a funeral
on shore for a sailor killed in the uprising on board. Authorities were
alarmed at the great mass of city residents who took to the streets in
sympathy. Troops were dispatched to regain control over the port. The
Potemkin disembarked and sailed hither and yon seeking a safe port and also
trying to enlist other ships of the line to join them in revolt
- 1905je25:Romanian authorities allowed the ship a safe harbor in the
Black Sea port of Constance
<>1905je09:Tver guberniia
village elder Nil Smirnov issued declaration based on decisions taken at the
Ryleev village assembly = The person of the peasant is inviolable. The people
must be given freedom of conscience, speech, press, assembly, unions and
strikes. Peasant courts must function like all other courts. Peasants, and "yes,
all persons", who suffer for their religious beliefs must at once be pardoned
and released. Free grade schools must be introduced that teach various trades.
Higher education must be as open to peasants as to other classes. "All
government organs without exception must be under control of popular
representatives, elected by the people themselves under their own system without
any educational qualifications. Those elected should also require no property
and educational standards but need only to be literate and of legal age." The
Land Captain and the separate peasant status must be abolished. District
bureaucracy must be restricted in its guardianship over peasants. Local village
institutions should replace district administration. Land should be available to
those who work it. Every peasant should receive an adequate amount of land from
the village, and the government must provide material aid for its cultivation.
Collective responsibility for taxes and all forms of indirect taxes should be
abolished. Government should convoke an assembly of the people to decide if the
Russo-Japanese war should continue.
Peasants suffer such hardships that death might be preferable to life. [Page:73]
<>1905jy:Russia, Peterhof | Secret state
conference [H05:161(foolish
description) & 165]
<>1905jy06:jy09; Moscow |
Zemstvo congress#4 petitioned Nicholas II [H05:160]
<>1905au06:Saint
Petersburg | Interior Minister S.G. Bulygin submitted his constitutional project
which called for the creation of a
State Duma with limited advisory powers [Raeff2:142-52
|
VSB,3:702-3 |
DPH:300]
*--Full Russian text in
GDR:30-54]
<>1905au13:Moscow |
All-Russian
Peasant Union [Vserossiiskii Krest'ianskii Soiuz] founding Congress
*--Kursk guberniia peasants followed actions of Congress through the journal
Russkoe slovo [Russian word] [VEO, Agrarnoe dvizhenie v Rossii v
1905-1906 gg., 1:56]
*--For
past three years, rural dissatisfaction mounted. Now
peasants mobilized in a way not unlike all other social groups caught up in
the 1905 revolutionary era [PR&R:446-8]
\\
*--Robinson,
ch6 (hungry villages), ch7 (peasant world), ch8 (decline of nobility & rise of
"Third Estate"), ch9 (origins of 1905)
*--Maureen Perrie,
Agrarian
Policy:107-111
*--Stephen Dunn,
Peasants of
Central Russia
*--Beatrice Farnsworth and Lynne Viola, eds.
Russian Peasant
Women
*--Sir John Maynard,
The Russian Peasant
and Other Studies
*--Mary Matossian, "The Peasant Way of Life". In
The Peasant
in Nineteenth-Century Russia
*--Christine D. Worobec,
Peasant Russia:
Family and Community in the Post-Emancipation Period
<>1905au17:Russia |
Provisional regulation of university promised
university autonomy
<>1905au23:se05; USA NH |
Russia-Japan treaty negotiations to end Russo-Japanese War lasted 2 weeks
and ended with the signing of the Portsmouth Treaty [TXT]
[W TXT] [McC1:11-12
|
RFP2,1:170-2]
*--USA President Theodore Roosevelt lent his good offices in the negotiations
between Russia and Japan
*--Ten
years earlier, few could have foreseen the rise of USA as a new overseas
imperialist state, USA was now a noteworthy factor in global politics, even
if old Europe might not yet have been ready to take USA seriously, or Japan, or
Russia, for that matter. Old Europe was on the eve of destruction. Of the three
nations represented on the postcard just below, only two, USA and Japan, were to
survive WW1 intact
A postcard commemorating New Hampshire negotiations
Left to right =
Russian Finance Minister Count Sergei Witte, Baron Rosen,
US President Theodore Roosevelt,
Japanese Ambassador to the US Kogoro Takahira, and Japanese Foreign Minister
Jutaro Komura

[SOURCE]
*--In this year, an early case in international law (i.e., law beyond the
limits of nation-state sovereignty), was heard when an English/Russian
Commission of Inquiry convened [RWP1,2:167-70]+
*--For Russia, crises in international relations and domestic politics seemed to
be abating, so
the tsarist state entered the critical October days still hoping to suppress
mass unrest with a combination of force and uncertain promises of reform
\\
*--Saul,2:153-8,
459-507
*--Alan Kimball, "The
United States and the Soviet Union: Toward a Mutual Pacific Frontier" (1984)
[long-term background to 20th-21st cc. Russian/Japanese international
relations]
*--John A. White,
The Diplomacy of the Russo-Japanese War
<>1905se12:se15; Moscow |
Zemstvo congress #5,194 members
*1905
LOOP
<>1905se19:Moscow
railroad strike [H05:175-6]
<>1905fa:Buryat gatherings represented indigenous
opposition to tsarist imperialist authority in their lands [GRH:162]
<>1905oc:Baltische
konstitutionelle Partei formed, made up of conservative German gentry
aristocrats
*--Lithuanian & Latvian nationalist movement under way
*1905oc:Kursk | People's Party (implying "National Party") [Narodnaia Partiia]
founded, aristocratic and conservative.
Gentry politics or state servitor politics?
<>1905oc07:Russian
railroad strike began after a union member was arrested [VSB,3:744]
<>1905oc08:Petersburg
Governor General Trepov issued decree limiting rights of public assembly.
This futile act flew in the face of mounting, near-universal public mobilization
which was filling public places in all the larger cities of the Empire
<>1905oc09:Sergei Witte,
fresh back from
treaty negotiations that settled the Russo-Japanese War, submitted a bold
memo to Nicholas II [VSB,3:703-4]
<>1905oc11:Russian
wage-laborers submitted petition on working conditions to
Witte & he replied [Nevison:18-19]
<>1905oc12:oc18;
Moscow | Partiia narodnoi svobody [Party of Popular Freedom], a bold new
liberal party, the first openly organized political party in Russian history,
held its founding congress. They were not best known by their formal name.
Instead, the name "Constitutional Democrats" came into wider usage. In fact,
they became best known by the Russian initials for Constitutional Democrat,
"KD". And these two Russian letters sounded like the unflattering French word
for an adolescent in military training, "KA-DEH" [cadet]. Thus a back-formed
nickname also came into wide usage = Kadety (Cadets) KDs]
*--Program [McC1:33-5
|
H05:292-300 |
DIR2:405-10 |
DIR3:438f |
VSB,3:724]
*1905oc14:Pavel
Miliukov addressed the congress of this most
liberal of the Russian
political parties [VSB,3:726]
*--KDs
prepared for the anticipated
State Duma
\\
*--Terence Emmons,
The Formation of Political Parties and the First National Elections in Russia
<>1905oc13:Witte
submitted yet another bold memo to Nicholas II.
Witte's personal views did not get in the way of his practical political
good sense [VSB,3:704-5]
<>1905oc13:Saint
Petersburg
Soviet [of Workers' Deputies] met for the first time as the wage-labor
strike movement spread along Russian rail lines
*--The Soviet representing a new and more explicitly political-institutional
form of wage-labor mobilization
\\
*--Oscar Anweiler,
Soviets: The Russian Workers, Peasants, and Soldiers Councils,1905-1921
<>1905oc14:Moscow general
strike began after more than a week of mounting work stoppage, led by the
railroad unions.
Georgii Khrustalev-Nosar, described the strike movement =
Within ten days strikes had seized the entire network of Russian railways,
extending over 40,000 kilometers and employing 750,000 clerks and workers.
Out of Moscow, as the center, the strike flame sent its rays spreading to
the periphery. The railway strike predetermined the general strike.
The strike movement traveled on steel rails and shut down factories, plants,
-- all of life in the industrial centers. [...] The strike revolution gave
birth to the Soviet [Page:80-1]
*--Railroads
were vital to all participants in modern life
<>1905oc14:Russian Emperor issued Ukaz in order
to gain some control over freedom of assembly, which was now an altogether
"voluntary" association, totally out of the control of official "assignment"
<>1905oc15:Council of Ministers closed all Russian
universities
<>1905oc16:All-Russian general strike began;
a remarkable, massive, open, national rebellion [H05:180-9]
*--
Wage-labor political behavior was so far in essence not unlike the behavior
of other "working people", rural, urban, clerical, professional (including
university professors and students) -- they all went out on strike
<>1905oc17:Russian
Emperor Nicholas II issued October Manifesto
[TXT] [Russian
TXT] [Other reprints =
VSB,3:705 |Mehlinger:331-2
|
DIR2:384-5 | GRH:627-8 |
McC1:13-4 |
H05:195-6 |
CCC2,2:596 |
DPH:301-2]
- This simple manifesto seemed to promise much. The projected State Duma
seemed to be an elected parliamentary organization with apparent authority
over the tsarist "cabinet" (ministers, "the government") and over all new
legislation
- This was the first progressive reform of governmental/administrative
institutions since the creation of the Zemstvos forty years earlier
ID, and its immediate institutional implications exceeded anything since
the time of Alexander I
[ID] or perhaps since the time of Peter I
[ID]
- Two days after signing the Manifesto, Nicholas II wrote in his diary =
Through all these horrible days, I constantly met Witte.
We very often met in the early morning to part only in the evening when
night fell. There were only two ways open; to find an energetic soldier and
crush the rebellion by sheer force. That would mean rivers of blood, and in
the end we would be where had started. [Petersburg Governor General
Trepov had earlier issued orders to troops in the Petersburg garrison, "do
not spare the bullets", but he now bowed to practical considerations = force
would no longer work.] The other way out would be to give to the
people their civil rights, freedom of speech and press, also to have laws
confirmed by a State Duma - that of course would be a constitution. Witte
defends this very energetically. [Boldface added]
Almost everybody I had an opportunity of consulting is of the same
opinion. Witte put it quite clearly to me that he would accept the
Presidency of the Council of Ministers only on the condition that his
program was agreed to, and his actions not interfered with. We discussed it
for two days and in the end, invoking God's help, I signed. This terrible
decision which nevertheless I took quite consciously. I had no one to rely
on except honest
Trepov. There was no other way out but to cross oneself and give what
everyone was asking for.
- Suppression or concession, that was the debate. After
several decades of reactionary state policy, or at least irresolution with
respect to the reform legacy of Alexander II, tsarist officials were now
forced at one moment to both quell vast disorder AND pick up the
pace of
reform.
- The Manifesto made extensive concessions to society, but Nicholas II and
the insider elites around him may not have meant to fulfill all the promises
of the October Manifesto. The promise of a
State Duma calmed a nation in the grip of near universal and
spontaneous rebellion. Only the most radical elements among mobilized
wage-laborers and discontented villagers were ready to push toward further
revolutionary accomplishment. The irony was that these contrary trends
-- general calm and worker radicalism -- allowed certain voices within the
tsarist state once again to resist reform and to entertain the
dream of statist reaction through suppression
- Much hung on the big and immediate question about how the grand promises
of the October Manifesto might be actualized in newly drafted
Fundamental Laws
\\
*--H05:193-5,
210
<>1905oc17:Saint
Petersburg
Soviet newspaper Izvestiia [News] began publication [VSB,3:745]
<>1905oc17:Sergei
Witte reported to Emperor Nicholas II in connection with his assignment to
coordinate the actions of the several ministries in preparation for the
formation of a State Council
- Witte told his Emperor that unrest has seized various sosloviia and has
its roots much deeper than partial imperfections of government or in
society, or as result of political extremists. Roots are found "in the
disturbed equilibrium between the aspirations of conscious elements [in
society] and the external forms of their life"
- In other words, Russian society had outgrown the old order. It would
have a new order based on "civic liberty". Political institutions must be
"raised to the level" of the "moderate majority of the people". Witte urged
immediate granting of civil liberties and the equalization of "all Russian
citizens before the law, without distinction of religion and nationality"
- He urged the creation of an elected legislature, and he insisted that
the Imperial State Council should also be elected
- He advised Nicholas II to understand that a great empire like Russia was
filled with a wide variety of factionalized interests. The monarch should
rise above them. Do not interfere in any way in the elections, he advised.
Stand by the 1904de12 decree
[ID]
- When the Duma meets, do not oppose it unless it presents a clear
threat to the grandeur of Russia. Public activism should be suppressed only
when it threatened society itself or the state [Mehlinger:333-5
| Doctorow, "Government" |
H05:289-92 | Russian text
GDR:91-4]
- This began the final phase of Witte's career as statesman, serving as
Russia's first "Prime Minister", but perhaps, without his knowing it, also
serving as a stop-gap concession while certain tsarist insiders regrouped
and revolutionary fervor abated
- Witte urged the necessity for authentic concessions to society. It would
be a half year later, after the revolutionary storm was weathered, that
Witte and the rest of Russia learned in detail what tsarist authority
intended to do
[ID]
- Meanwhile,
Witte and Russia as a whole had a long and difficult winter ahead =
<>1905oc18:Moscow workers passed labor strike
resolution [VSB,3:744]
<>1905oc19:oc20; Saint
Petersburg | Nicholas II issued a second Manifesto in connection with the
revolutionary crisis
- Now the irresolute Emperor restructured the State Council into an
appointed legislative chamber, a second chamber now attached to the earlier
unicameral and fully elected Duma promised in
the first manifesto
- He also structured the Council of Ministers into a body independent of
the Duma and under direct tsarist authority. There would be no authentic
"cabinet", no formal interdependency between Duma and ministers [McC1:17-18]
- Sergei
Witte moved ahead as if the promises of the October Manifesto were still
fully realizable. He called a government conference on upcoming elections to
the new
State Duma. "State Duma" was still just a revolutionary promise
[ID] and not yet fully defined. But Witte could not delay the novel and
delicate task of courting for revolutionary government service certain of
the "public men" associated with
Zemstvo activism and other forms of elite
urban activism
-
1905 LOOP
<>1905oc19:1906wi; Emperor Nicholas II letters to
his mother [PFM:89-92]
<>1905no:1907; Union of
Russian Peoples [Soiuz russkikh liudei], a reactionary political party,
formed and composed its program [VSB,3:728
|
DIR2:410-16]
*--Later founded
Black Hundreds [Chernye sotny] (anti-Semitic, reactionary
political party)
*--What is the relationship of "reactionary social movements" like this and
"official reactionary" policy?
<>1905no:Russian
SRs program [McC1:32-3
|
DIR2:399-405 |
DIR3:431-8]
<>1905no03:Russian
Imperial Decree cut peasant redemption payments in half for next year &
abolished them altogether as of 1907 [DIR2:385-6
|
DIR3:415-17 |
DPH:302]
*--A
forty-year-old deficiency in the greatest of the great reforms thus was
corrected
*--Reforms continued under high-pressure revolutionary circumstances
<>1905no06:no10; Moscow |
All-Russian
Peasant Union Congress #2 [H05:219]
*--Max Weber numbered members at 500, but more nearly 200 [MWG:243-4]
*1907:1915; Journalist report on
peasants in Saint Petersburg [Nevison:49f]
<>1905no06:no13;
Moscow |
Zemstvo congress #6 (last)
*--Pavel
Miliukov was admitted to organizational committee and claimed readiness to
support Witte government [PR&R:533]
*--Congress sent deputation to see Witte = Sergei Muromtsev,
Fedor Kokoshkin, and
Ivan Petrunkevich. These deputies insisted that ministers in the new
government be responsible to (under the authority of) the Duma rather than to
the tsar [PR&R:534 | Manning,Crisis:187 says
Witte refused to see deputation]
*--Ivan Petrunkevich, Memoirs of a Social Activist [ORBIS]
<>1905no10:no14;
Moscow-Saint Petersburg | Octobrist Party [Soiuz 17 Oktiabria; Union of
October 17] founded
<>1905no15:(oc15??) Saint
Petersburg dmx fnd PPP [MWG:64 or259]
<>1905no16:Moscow |
Committee of the All-Russian Peasant Union arrested
six days after their second congress
<>1905no17:Vladimir
Province, Kovrov District Land Captain reported to the Provincial Governor about
rural disorders =
In the city of Kovrov a nest of troublemakers has been stirring, and they
include people of various classes [sosloviia] and professions. They
cover themselves by functioning as local zemstvo officials, working
on agricultural committees and economic councils and serving on the
committee for public temperance. This group has grown significantly and
persistently carries on its evil work. They distribute pamphlets by
Henry George, revolutionary leaflets and proclamations. They circulate
appeals [off-prints?] of an edition of Donskaia rech' [voice of the
Don, a newspaper] which contains the French 18th century
Declaration of the Rights of Man and Citizen, and distribute large
quantities of harmfully oriented newspapers to the peasants free of charge.
They make tours of the villages and conduct secret discussions with [...]
ruinous effects upon the population. Many workers among the peasants (I
assume that they are paid by the agitators) promise all kinds of future
gains and recruit their fellow villagers, who, as is known, are extremely
ready to trust the tale-bearers and know-it-alls of their own villages. In
daily mass meetings in the workshops even visiting orators lecture on all
manner of subjects. It is rumored that some of the workmen are armed. In the
evenings, youth walk about boldly singing revolutionary songs. The
townsfolk, fearing unpleasantness, try to avoid leaving their homes at such
times. In these meetings both the workers and the peasants of my region take
part. Seeing that they get away with their illegal activity these people act
insolently and teach this to the peasants. || All pronouncements of the
Moscow
Peasant Union appear in the villages in the form of proclamations which
call for changing the old ways ... yes, even of banishing the chiefs, the
clerks and
land captains from the district peasant assembly [volostnoi skhod]
[Page:72]
<>1905no17:no20; Moscow Union of Landowners [Soiuz
zemlevladel'tsev] meeting called for statist reactionary measures and
suppression of
peasant disorder [MWG 1/10:250]
Gentry politics
<>1905no19:no20;
Saint Petersburg | Sergei Witte conference with conservative Zemstvo congress
members, most of them in the recently formed
Octobrist Party [PR&R:534] =
- Who? Aleksandr Guchkov & Mikhail Stakhovich; also Evgenii Trubetskoi, &
Dmitrii Shipov [who had become
embroiled in high politics over the previous three years and would again
in a most unlikely role as leader of anti-Bolshevik forces
in the time of the revolutionary civil war]
- Over the previous month, Witte had been courting other "public men",
representatives of progressive Zemstvo and urban economic life [GFF:703-10
|
MWG:265-6]
- He also conferred with Fedor Golovin, Georgii L'vov, &
Fedor Kokoshkin
- He offered to cooperate with these "public men" if they moderated their
political stance
- These "public men", however, still demanded a Constituent Assembly &
universal suffrage [PR&R:532]
- In demanding a Constituent Assembly, they sought to wrest from the
tsarist ministerial elite and to give to elected representatives the power
to design the new
Fundamental Laws
- In other words, they sought to take from tsarist bureaucrats and give to
the public the power to make an actuality out of the grand and vague
promises in the October Manifesto
- Still, Witte offered Ministry of Manufacturing and Industry to wealthy
industrialist Aleksandr Guchkov who refused on grounds that Witte named
reactionary career police administrator
Petr Durnovo to the all-important post of Interior Minister [MWG:116
& 264]
- Other Zemstvo
liberals and figures from
the urban public shared the scrupulous unwillingness of
Guchkov to be compromised
- Thus the Witte effort to form a mixed government of tsarist bureaucrats
and "public men" collapsed
-
Witte was all alone now with only the state. And most powerful state
servitors were ready to see him fail [GO de05]
-
Forty-years of Zemstvo politics had come to this, though the
Zemstvo continued to play an important role in national life
-
1905 LOOP
<>1905no22:Committee of the Post & Telegraph
union arrested
<>1905no22:Moscow then
Saint Petersburg | Georgii Khrustalev-Nosar became chairman of
workers' Soviet [WRH3:496-7
| *1913:RRe#2:89-100]
<>1905no24:Russia | End of
preliminary censorship
*--The imperial state brought an end to the
110-year-old constraint on Russian print culture
*--Unfinished
business of the "great reform" era was taken up again under revolutionary
pressure
*--After end to preliminary
censorship, a steady trickle of
reform continued
\\
*--Daniel Balmuth,
Censorship
in Russia, 1865-1905
*--Charles Ruud,
Fighting
Words: Imperial Censorship and the Russian Press, 1804-1906
<>1905no26:Moscow |
President of workers' Soviet, Khrustalev-Nosar arrested, and 26-year-old Leon
Trotsky (1879-1940) replaced him
*1905no26:de05; Saint Petersburg | Foreign newspaper correspondent
Nevison:77-80 (diary) covered these critical 11 days
<>1905de02:Saint
Petersburg workers' Soviet issued Financial Manifesto calling on peasants to
refuse to make redemption payments, demanding all wages be paid in gold or hard
coin, full weight, and recommending all
wage-laborers withdraw deposits from banks, "demanding all payments in gold"
[VSB,3:746
|
DPH:303-4 | Postgate:385 (part)]
*--State moved to suppress eight newspapers, and this just over one week after
the passage of a new and progressive
censorship reform
[ID]
<>1905de03:Saint Petersburg Soviet members
arrested during meeting in Free Economic Society building
- Trotsky mug-shot
[pix]
- 1906oc:Nosar
and Trotsky testified at their trials [VSB,3:748]
- The workers' Soviet faded from scene after
two vigorous months of existence
- 1907:Trotsky wrote Our Revolution, a description of those two
vigorous months or organized revolutionary politics. This early work by
Trotsky was based on his Marxist vision of history and his personal
experience [TXT
of ch.5]
- Trotsky's more general study of the 1905 Revolution [TXT]
grew out of Our Revolution and contained the first versions of
Trotsky's contribution to general Social Democratic ideology, the notion of
"permanent revolution" [TXT
of preface]
- The memory and myth of the workers' Soviet lingered. Twelve years later,
the Soviet revived and
Trotsky returned from exile and emigration just as
the old Regime collapsed in the 1917 Revolution
<>1905de04:Kostroma
newspaper reported debates in peasant gatherings
*--Sameti village assembly [sel'skii skhod]
passed two resolutions:
(1) in view of land shortage, all land should be gathered in common property on
conditions determined by representatives elected nationally, and
(2) in the realm of politics it is essential that the people rule, without
regard for soslovie or other qualifications at the central and the
district levels, with freedom of conscience, association, assembly and
expression
*--The passport system must be abolished and amnesty of all those earlier
prosecuted for political activities and rural disorders. The Sameti assembly
voted to join the All-Russian
Peasant Union
*--An assembly in Tonkin district vowed not be pay taxes until
the following measures were taken:
(1) End the oppression by
Land Captains,
(2) institute peasant administration, carried out by peasants themselves, not
just on paper, but in fact,
(3) institute an assembly of all soslovie,
(4) create equal rights for all peasants,
(5) institute a constituent assembly on the basis of the four-member formula [?
four-tailed electoral formula?],
(6) refuse to participate in the Duma elections,
(7) land must be the the free property of those who work it [GDR:161-2]
*--Peasants
clearly had more in mind than burning gentry estates
<>1905de04:Petersburg
|
Octobrist Party held its second conference
<>1905de05:de07 & de09; Tsarskoe
Selo "monarchical cnf" included Wtt gvt & ShpD, Gch Korf, PL Bobrinskii, VA
[MWG:266 | protocol, Byloe 3(25) (1917 September):217-65]
<>1905de07:de19; Moscow
strike & revolutionary disturbance [Nevison
in Moscow?]
*--Resolution [VSB,3:746-8]
<>1905de11:Russian
Election law for
State Duma signaled governmental retreat from promises in the October
Manifesto
[ID] [Russian text
GDR:94-102]
*--Official
reaction regained some of its momentum after the setbacks of the
previous 18 months
*1905
LOOP
<>1906:French highway
engineer and political ideologist Georges Sorel (1847-1922) wrote
Reflections on
Violence [CCC2,2:954-63
|
BMC1:566-71 |
BMC4:633-41]
- Sorel, among other things, extolled the positive virtues of political
violence or terrorism
- Terrorism was working its way into the European political fabric
- Political
terrorism was a nearly identical twin -- the domestic political twin --
to European imperialist administration and emerging practices of
international or global "total war"
[ID]
<>1906ja:Persia
(Iran), Tehran and its suburbs the site of mounting popular disorder
- Iranian people over the preceding decade demanded a
curb on royal authority and the establishment of the rule of law. The shah
ignored the challenge to his authority. Now the religious establishment, the
merchants, and other classes mounted open protests. Merchants and clerical
leaders fled from probable arrest by the shah. They sought sanctuary in
mosques
- 1906je:Tehran | Persian shah reneged on a promise to permit the
establishment of a "house of justice", or consultative assembly. In
response, 10,000 people, led by merchants, took sanctuary in the compound of
the British legation in Tehran
- 1906au:Persian shah was forced to issue a decree promising a
constitution
- 1906oc:Persian elected assembly convened and drew up a Constitution
that provided for strict limitations on royal power, an elected parliament,
or Majlis, with wide powers to represent the people, and a government
with a cabinet subject to confirmation by the Majlis
- 1906de30:Persian shah signed the revolutionary Constitution and died
five days later
- Within the year 1907, Supplementary Fundamental Laws provided, within
limits, for freedom of press, speech, and association, and for security of
life and property
- The hopes for constitutional rule were not realized, however, as a
result of (1) internal political weakness and (2) imperialist interference =
(1) 1907:1921; Persian shah Mohammad Ali and the Majlis engaged in
constant struggle, then Bakhtiari chiefs and other grandees took over
(2) 1907au18:1919; For 12 years, leading up to and through the
duration of WW1, English-Russian entente divided
Persia/Iran into English and Russian spheres
<>1906ja:ap26; Saint Petersburg events described
by
Nevison:309-16
<>1906ja:Socialists-Revolutionaries
[SRs], now a huge, unified and nation-wide party, held their First Congress and
issued a program, which included reaffirmation of the need for "terroristic
struggle, central and local, individual and mass". The program furthermore
stated that "the new debauch of arbitrary rule finds the party once again at its
battle station" [VSB,3:719-21]
- By this time the SRs concluded that the autocratic state had betrayed
the promises in the October Manifesto
[ID]. This purely institutional issue, the betrayal of democratic
political promises made in October, remained an issue over the next decade
and fed popular discontent in the year 1917
[EG]
- That month in Tambov Province, Battle Organization activist Mariia
Spiridonova assassinated Luzhenovskii, an important activist in the "Black
Hundreds" movement
- A half-year later, the Black Hundreds were responsible for the
assassination of Mikhail Gertsenshtein, member the new State Duma (KDs)
and labeled "Yid" by the
Black Hundreds
- In this new era of legal public mobilization across the full political
spectrum, terror had become also a weapon in the struggle between different
political parties and factions
- However, within the ranks of the
SRs, a "right-wing" broke away (IE=revolutionary moderates -- if such a
phrase is not wholly oxymoronic). These "moderates" lost patience with
underground conspiracy and
terrorism and committed to open political action. They formed a new
party known variously as the Narodno-sotsialisticheskaia (Trudovaia)
partiia [People's Socialist (Labour) Party] or Trudovaia
narodno-sotsialisticheskaia partiia [Labouring People's Socialist
Party]. In short, they were called Narodnye sotsialisti
[People's Socialists (it is uncomfortable and misleading but possible to
translate that as "National Socialists")]. They were nicknamed "NSs"
or "EnEsses"
- 1906se:NSs expressed willingness to achieve their goals via political
engagement in the State Duma. Leading members were NF Annenskii, VA
Miakotin, AV Peshekhonov, VG Bogoraz-Tan, SYa Elpat'evskii, VI Semevskii,
etc.
- Soon NSs issued their own journal, Narodno-sotsialisticheskii
obozrenie [People's Socialist Review] which sought to make Russia a
democratic republic, to transfer unused, privately owned land to the
peasantry (with compensation to the landowners), and outright
nationalization of (excessively) huge landed estates [latifundia estates].
Also monastic land holdings, royal properties and governmentally owned land
should be nationalized and distributed to peasants
- NSs extended their organization down to the local level as they
campaigned for seats in the Duma.
The following April, NSs held their first party conference
<>1906ja:Russian
Marshals of nobility (i.e., chairmen of regional
noble assemblies) gathered and passed a resolution in which they declared
their willingness to help their sovereign restore peace and achieve the promises
of the October Manifesto. However, they acknowledged serious difficulties and
thus made recommendations [FFS:200-3]
=
- The state issued decrees [ap17
and
oc17] promoting freedoms that have never been defined, thus loosing
anarchy and disorder on the country. Political wavering creates an opening
for revolutionary outbursts. Suspicions grow that the promises from the tsar
will not be fulfilled. Disorder must be quelled
- Convene the Duma as soon as possible. Quickly issue instructions on how
this is to be done
- Russia is a single, indivisible whole. No regional or national
separatism should be allowed
- Russians need to be protected when they are living among a majority of
non-Russians
- Freedom of conscience must not limit the preeminence of the Russian
language and
Orthodox Church
- Economic self-regulation should be granted in outlying areas while
protecting Russian interests
- The State Duma should take the fundamental solution of the agrarian
question to be its number one priority
- The inviolability of private property must be the guiding principles,
with certain defined exceptions
- Colonization of distant frontiers must be facilitated by local
discussion. State land should be offered to migrants
- Financial policy must be revamped so as to promote agricultural
productivity and marketing
- The state should promote consolidation of peasant landholdings and
termination of strip farming
- Allow peasants to claim their share of community land, consolidate it
as separate households, and sell them if they move [this an early call for
conversion of peasant villagers into
farmers]
- The Peasant Bank should promote economic security of peasants.
Government should assume some of the financial burden of loans. Interest
rates should be lowered to the same level as those in the Noble Bank
- "Arable state lands and forests ... and also crown lands [should] be
made available to agriculturists with payment set according to accessed
value. [...] Twenty-four marshals hold a separate opinion: twenty one
marshals regard crown lands as private property, and three oppose
consideration of this question at the congress"
- Strong state authority must be exerted at the local level in order to
suppress violence and plunder
- Rules must be clearly stated and enforced to protect individual liberty
from violence and work stoppage or desertion
More Gentry politics
<>1906ja05:11;
KDs Party Congress#2
<>1906ja22:Nizhnii
Novgorod
peasant petition outlined long history of discontent in their
village Malyi Seskin, ending with a list of seven demands =
(1) forests, lands and ponds owned by institutions, ministries [kabinetskie],
private individuals,
monasteries, churches and gentry [pomeshchich'i] should be turned
over to to those who work them, under conditions of communal land management [obshchinnogo
zemlepol'zovaniia]
(2) direct and indirect taxes should be abolished and replaced by graduated
progressive taxes
(3) universal and obligatory [primary and secondary] education and
accessibility to higher educational institutions to all who wish, at state
expense
(4) freedom of expression, press, assembly, union and strike
(5) inviolability of the individual, home and correspondence
(6) abolition of capital punishment, military quartering and courts
martial, and
(7) swift convocation of the State Duma. Signed by 90 peasants in assembly,
with their elder [starosta], and with notary signature of district police
captain [ispravnik] [GDR:163-4]
*--Minsk area ditto [164-5]
\\
*--Oleg
Bukhovets subjected about 200 peasant petitions of this era to aggregate
analysis and offered a summary of their content
<>1906ja30:Russian
women's Progressive Party, program [FFS:303-8]
<>1906fe:gbx Zmv mtg, conflict pro-
& anti-lbx [MWG]
<>1906fe:German
sociologist
Max Weber published "Zur Lage...", the first of two monograph-length studies
of the Russian Revolution of 1905, for which purpose he learned the rudiments of
Russian. First and
second study published together in MWG [Weber]
<>1906fe05:Congress#1,
Vserossiiskaia Torgovo-promyshlennaia partiia [cf.1905no11:]
*--Liberal industrialist Pavel P. Riabushinskii used phrase "class
consciousness" & urged resistance to "intelligentsia
socialism" [OCP:274]
*--Urban
"bourgeois" consciousness came to life under conditions of revolutionary
crisis and struggled to make a clear distinction between
liberalism and socialism
\\
*--"Association of Industry and Trade, 1906-1917" in
MERSH
*--"Riabushinskii", a Russian English-language website
[W] | Russian-language website
[W]
<>1906fe08:fe12;
Octobrist Party held a conference
<>1906fe20:Tsarist
manifesto and two ukazes about two chambers of the new legislative body
(1) The Imperial State Council [Sovet] would now be made up of delegates,
one half elected and one half appointed by the tsar. Earlier, all were appointed
by the tsar
(2) A "second house", the State Duma would be made up of elected delegates, but
elections were not to be direct. Delegates were chosen in a four-tier process
designed to mute the popular will [VSB,3:769-70
| MWG] [Russian text
GDR:102-]
*--Ministries were not put under the authority of the two-chambered legislature.
They remained responsible only to the tsar
*--The tsar no longer was formally described as having "unlimited autocratic
power" [neogranichennaia samoderzhavnaia vlast']. The word "unlimited"
was removed from his title
*1905
LOOP
<>1906fe21:Russian National Congress of
Old-Ritualists [Raskolniki] sent address to Emperor Nicholas II [FFS:298-9]
<>1906fe22:fe23; Russian laws handed down with
respect to relationship of southern imperial possessions to the new legislative
institutions [GDR:123-33]
<>1906mr06:Russian
State Duma election began
<>1906mr08:Russia |
Ekaterinoslav guberniia Nobility submitted address to Emperor Nicholas II which
showed how village disorders vexed
gentry politics, yet also showed how anxious gentry were for the Emperor to
honor the promises made in the
October Manifesto [FFS:203-6]
<>1906mr08:Russian Senate received two ukazes
about management of state budget [GDR:132-5]
<>1906mr08:mr11; Russian state took measures to
maintain control over the electoral process [GDR:136-41]
<>1906ap07:ap12;
Russian Council of Ministers deliberated with Nicholas II about the new
Fundamental Laws [VSB,3:770-2]
<>1906ap10:ap25; Stockholm
| Russian SDs Congress #4 (The Unity Congress [!!]) tried to bring Russian
Marxists back together
*--However, the Menshevik/Bolshevik split widened. Mensheviks A.S. Martynov and
P.B. Aksel'rod explained differences with Bolsheviks [VSB,3:716-17]
*--Agrarian program [VSB,3:801]
*--In this year, the German Social Democratic leader Karl Kautsky
[pix] explained meaning of the 1905 Russian Revolution, w/ preface by
Vladimir Lenin [Hardy:352f]
*--German and
Russian Marxists sought common ground in the interpretation of this vital
European event
<>1906ap14:Sergei Witte
resignation became widely known
*--Witte memoirs gave bitter account of events leading to this [cf.
VSB,3:748-50 and
DIR2:418-25]
*--In mid April, Russian state secured loan and thus felt bolder in its desire
to reverse large parts of the concessions granted in the
October Manifesto
*--The state felt it had now weathered the revolutionary storm and was ready to
repair the damage. It no longer needed
Witte
<>1906ap18:San
Francisco earthquake described by USA author Jack London [Eye:418-21]
*--The
first century in the history of a great Pacific-Rim urban center was
punctuated by a great natural calamity [W#1]
[W#2] [W#3]
[W#4]
<>1906ap22:ap23; Congress
of Noble Circles passed a resolution which symbolized conservative
gentry politics
*--They called for restoration of law and order, especially the defense of the
principles of autocracy and the enforcement of noble soslovie privileges
and exemptions
*--They objected to the way in which "unworthy members and aliens with
inappropriate bloodlines" had in recent times been elevated to prominent
positions [FFS:206-10]
<>1906ap23:Russia's new
Fundamental Laws issued
[TXT] [original
draft, Council of Ministers draft, & final version:
Mehlinger:336-44 | cf.
DIR2:387-93 |
DIR3:417-25 |
VSB,3:772-4 |
DPH:395-6 |
GDR:141-60]
*--New laws defined the powers of the Duma and the relation of the Duma
legislature to the tsarist government (the ministries and their apparat) in ways
that caused most to conclude that the
Fundamental Laws betrayed the promises of the October Manifesto
[ID]
<>1906ap27:1906jy08;
First State Duma formally opened with KDs playing a central roll [VSB,3:774-6]
but lasted only two months and two weeks
- First Duma heard Emperor Nicholas II’s speech from throne & responded in
an oppositional mood [RRC2,2#39
| PR&R:546-60 |
Nevison:325-6]
- Ten weeks of intense struggle between elected legislators and tsarist
government followed
- Over on the government side, the Emperor appointed confirmed monarchist
Ivan Goremykin [ID]
Prime Minister to replace
Witte; Petr
Stolypin became Interior Minister [WRH3:498-509]
Goremykin in 1894 had been Nicholas II's first Interior Minister, appointed
in part because of his record of service in putting down the 1863-64 Polish
uprising, and because of his dabbling in peasant affairs. Now at mid-stream
in his reign, Nicholas again turned to the utterly loyal
Goremykin.
-
Vasilii Maklakov (a scrupulously moderate member of the
KDs), The
First State Duma: Contemporary Reminiscences
- The
First Duma was eventually dissolved by tsarist authority
-
The Second Duma was hardly more settled
<>1906ap27:+; First Duma
Labor Group [Trudovaia Gruppa; best known as Trudoviki] formed in
the midst of parliamentary proceedings, with 96 then 107 members, including Ivan
Zhilkin, Aleksei Alad'in and Stepan Anikin, all educated professionals,
journalists or teachers
*--Trudoviki were much influenced by the All-Russian
Peasant Union and the
SRs, but they were nonetheless a distinct product of the actual political
situation that newly elected delegates, many of them from the village, found
within the new parliament
*--Trudoviki
were an authentic product of
labor political mobilization, particularly the mobilization of rural labor
into an organized
political party
<>1906my:dvr.unx (??soiuz zemledel
GO 05no17) fnd; cnx gnt pty
<>1906my05:State Duma replied to Emperor Nicholas
II speech [RRC2,2:445-49
|
Harper:40-1 |
VSB,3:776-7]
<>1906my08:je01;
State Duma, for four weeks, debated agricultural problems, including the old
problem of landed estates, much influenced by the legislative agenda of the
Trudoviki
*1906my08:Russian
KDs position on agrarian question, "Project of the 42" [GDR:168-72]
*1906my17:Samara guberniia peasant woman wrote letter to State Duma [GDR:180-1]
<>1906my13:Government
declaration & State Duma vote of no confidence in
Goremykin government [RRC2,2#40
|
VSB,3:777-8] Stenographic record of part of Duma session [GDR:160]
<>1906my23:Trudoviki
agrarian program, "Project of the 104" [GDR:172-4]
*1906je02:Samara Province peasants "instructed" Duma [GDR:165-8]
*1906je10:Penza Province
peasants petitioned
State Duma [GDR:168]
<>1906je11:Russian
nationwide nobles congress sent address to Nicholas II defending the
"inviolability of property rights" of gentry landowners [VSB,3:800]
*--The
previous seventeen years of gentry politics, here defined as promotion and
defense of exclusive noble soslovie interests and landowning power, was a
clear failure, just as it had been
a half century earlier
\\
*--Robert Edelman,
Gentry
Politics on the Eve of the Russian Revolution: The Nationalist Party, 1907-1917
*--Roberta Thompson Manning,
The Crisis of the Old
Order in Russia: Gentry and Government (1982)
<>1906je20:Emperor
Nicholas II had "list" of prospective new coalition government on the basis of
which Stolypin and Governor General Trepov negotiated with the
KDs
*--Stolypin, representing a new generation of tsarist officialdom, now moved
toward the center of official events
*--Trepov, representing an older generation (though only 51 years old), died
three months later, ending his
year and a half near the center.
\\
Tuck:127-8 says negotiations failed because the government acted too late,
because conflict between bureaucrats and KDs too deep, and because
Pavel Miliukov was too "doctrinaire"
<>1906jy04:State Duma
Agrarian Commission reported [GDR:175-80]
<>1906jy06:Old-guard
monarchist-absolutist statesman
Goremykin out and Petr Stolypin in as Prime Minister. Two days later =
*1906jy08:jy09; First Duma dissolved [VSB,3:778
|
CCC2,2:597-8 |
DPH:306-7 | Russian text, Rospuska Gosudarstvennoi, in GDR:181-3]
*1906jy09:Stolypin
made further unsuccessful effort to form coalition government [GFF:710-21]
<>1906jy10:Finland
| Dissident delegates from the suppressed State Duma, with KDs and the
Trudoviki at the center, fled to
Finland and issued the Vyborg Manifesto [McC1:43-4
|
VSB,3:779 | Meeting described in Harper,Russia:50-51 |
Nevison:351-2]
- The Vyborg Manifesto marked the end of the
KDs' nine-month revolutionary period. There was no significant popular
response to the radical proposals in the Manifesto
- That day,
Pavel Miliukov described Duma and "extreme parties" in a newspaper
article
- Years later the more moderate liberal,
Vasilii Maklakov, remembered with regret this First Duma and its
extremism [VSB,3:780-2]
- Events sheared KDs of their bellicose behavior. They now settled into
life as a parliamentary party beginning with the
Third Duma
-
Moisei Ostrogorski (1854-1919) revised his big theoretical study of
political parties on the basis of his disillusionment as deputy (KDs)
to the First Duma
-
1905 LOOP
<>1906jy10:London
International Peace Conference |
Maksim Kovalevskii delivered speech [Nevison:360-1]
*--Nevison described voluble crowds at the Conference, caught up in the
excitement of the Russian "march of democracy" [358]
<>1906jy17:In the style of
the Vyborg Manifesto, revolutionary appeals continued from the dispersed groups
within the First Duma
- Trudoviki & SDs, joined by representatives of the SRs and Railroad
Union, appealed to soldiers & sailors [Nevison:352-4]
Their slogan was "land and liberty"
- 1906jy18:Trudoviki
& SDs, now joined by
SRs, All-Russian
Peasant Union and
railroad unions, appealed to peasants [Nevison:354-6]
- 1906au06:Orel Province, Bolkhovskii Disetrict| Bunino village peasant
women protested [BRW:343-6]
<>1906au:Germany |
Max Weber published the second installment of his quick study of the First
Russian Revolution
- Both the
first and the second monographs have been pulled together as
The Russian
Revolutions
- Weber was interested to see if
liberalism could be united with social democracy in Russia, thus to
provide a model to be followed by other "disenchanted", dead-end and
"bourgeois"
political parties in his world
- He was disappointed. He dubbed the political results of the 1905 Russian
revolution "Pseudo-constitutionalism" [Scheinkonstitutionalismus]
<>1906au19:Stolypin saw to
the creation of field court-martial squads to quell unrest in the countryside [VSB,3:783]
- A week earlier Stolypin's dacha was the target of a deadly terrorist
attack
[ID] [VSB,3:782-3]
- 1905:1909; Government statistics on political crime reported
2,390 executions for "terrorism", most of them following the Stolypin
electoral-law coup [VSB,3:750]
- In these days Stolypin issued several policy statements [VSB,3:783-5
|
McC1:44-6]
- Peasant unrest was brought under some control
<>1906se:Russian
universities reopened after nearly a year in official suspension
<>1906oc03:oc07;
Trudoviki held their first Conference in preparation for the Second Duma
*--That month the growing faction of
terroristic and action-oriented members of the SR Party broke away to form
the Union of SR Maximalists [3
paragraph ID]
*--That fall, the right-wing party
Black Hundreds also prepared for the upcoming elections by issuing a
position paper
[W]
Prime Minister Petr
Stolypin

<>1906no09:Tsarist ukaz outlined ambitious new
departures in agrarian reform
- 1906oc05:Russian Decree on Peasant Rights, issued under Stolypin's
influence, laid the groundwork for this ambitious November ukaz
- The October decree not only opened the new era in peasant reform but
represented a long-delayed finalization of the
1861 serf emancipation [VSB,3:802-3]
-
The first year under the October Manifesto and the subsequent Fundamental
Laws seemed to be working more nearly in the interests of the
established bureaucratic absolutism and less in the interests of those whose
political activism forced the Emperor to issue the October Manifesto. But
this
final reform measure to come out of the 1905 Revolutionary period was
the greatest
- The new policy was announced according to Article 87 of the Fundamental
Laws which gave the new Prime Minister Stolypin and the ministries authority
to legislate when the Duma was not in session
- The policy was formulated independently from the contentious debate in
the dissolved First Duma, even though the urgency for further peasant reform
was made apparent in that Duma
[TXT] [VSB,3:803-4
|
McC1:142-4]
- Article 87 required that the
State Duma eventually ratify such measures as this, but
it was four years before that happened
- In the meantime,
peasant political mobilization waned, and
Stolypin entered into the phase of his greatest accomplishments
-
1905 LOOP
<>1907:1917; Polish-born
member of SDs over previous ten years,
Felix Dzerzhinskii (1877-1926) arrested and sent to Siberian prison and
exile for nine years, described in publication of his
Prison Diary and
Letters
<>1907:Philippine
Islands | USA sponsored elections to a national legislature
*--This was the second such elected legislature in all of Asia, and the first in
a client state closely supervised by a patron state (USA) which was inspired by
its
Progressive Era at at its height
<>1907:Moscow
"Religious-Philosophical Society in Honor of Vladimir Solov'ev" formed
- Solov'ev died in 1900 at age 47, ending a
brilliant 26-year career that contributed to the reorientation of
Russian thought, from positivism to various shades of "spiritualism"
- 1901:1903; Saint Petersburg "Religious-Philosophical" meetings were a
prelude to the Moscow group [Florovsky,2:252-8].
Other events also characterized a new "spirit" in Russian high culture =
- 1905:Dmitrii Merezhkovskii, Peter & Alexis (v3
of trilogy "Christ & Anti-Christ")
- 1906:friends published Nikolai Fedorov's "The
Question of Brotherhood..." [Edie,3:16-54]
- 1906:Leo
Tolstoy, "Meaning of the Russian Revolution" [Raeff3:323-57],
then in 1908 The Law of Love and the Law of Violence
- 1906:Nikolai Losskii’s The Intuitive Basis of Knowledge became
first translation into English of a technical work of Russia philosophy [Edie,3:321-42]
- Evgenyi Trubetskoi was a leading figure in the Moscow group and author
later of "The Bolshevist Utopia and the Religious Movement in Russia" [RRS]
- Aleksandr Bogdanov, "Matter as a Thing-in-Itself" [Edie,3:393-404]
- Also see Nikolai Grot [RRS:61-80],
Vasilii Rozanov [91-104], Sergei Bulgakov [135-160],
Viacheslav Ivanov [161-74], Georgii Chulkov [on mystical
anarchism:175-86], Georgii Florovskii (George Florovsky) [225-46], Pavel
Novgorodtsev [247-64]
-
Writers Aleksandr Blok and Andrei Belyi were involved in these
developments
- The
Vekhi group was influenced by this society
\\
*--Florovsky,2:233-83
<>1907:1913; I; Isle of
Capri | Russian émigré author
Maksim Gorky produced some of his greatest works = the novel Mother
[TXT]
[TXT] and his three-part autobiography which opened with part one, "My
Childhood" [Detstvo] and concluded with, "My Universities" [Moi
universitety, not completed until 1923]
<>1907:French
philosopher Henri Bergson (1859-1941) published
Creative Evolution,
an idealist critique of scientific knowledge [CCC2,2:1027-34
|
BMC1:594-6 |
BMC4:623-6]
\\
*--"[Bergson] was awarded the Nobel Prize for Literature in 1927. Bergson argued
that the intuition is deeper than the intellect. His Creative Evolution
(1907) and Matter and Memory (1896) attempted to integrate the findings
of biological science with a theory of consciousness. Bergson's work was
considered the main challenge to the mechanistic view of nature. He is sometimes
claimed to have anticipated features of
relativity theory and modern
scientific theories of the mind." [Source]
<>1907mr07:1907je03;
Second State Duma opened more than a half year after the First Duma was
dissolved, and it lasted just under three months before the state dissolved it
as well
- 1907mr06:Stolypin appeared in contentious session with Duma [VSB,3:785-7
| “Rech’ v Gosudarstvennoi Dume” (GRV:273-7)]
- 1907ap16:ap20; NSs held their First Conference and sent 16
representatives to the Duma, but their moderate politics were drowned in the
fervor of revolutionary opposition, and they soon faded from the scene,
after only about
one year of existence, not to reappear again until
the days in which the Imperial old regime collapsed
- 1907my03:Agrarian Commission received SRs agrarian program, signed by
104 deputies. Trudoviki and the All-Russian Peasant Union submitted their
own program, but there was not enough time left to the Second Duma to
consider either at length
- The Trudoviki were near the end of their
one-year existence
- The Peasant Union was at the end of his
18-month revolutionary existence
- 1907my10:Stolypin
delivered speech to Duma on peasant question with the famous concluding
line, "Those who oppose our state system [...] require great upheavals; we
require a great Russia!" [VSB,3:804-5
|
RRC2,2#41]
- 1923je:Slavonic
Review#2,4:36-55 | Bernard Pares, "The Second Duma" (an English
eyewitness account) [More
Pares]
- Not until
the Third Duma did parliamentary politics settle into a more permanent
pattern of relationship with the tsarist state
<>1907my12:London |
Russian SDs at Congress #5 heard Lenin's report on peasantry [VSB,3:808-9]
-
Marxism was never strong in its comprehension of peasants, but now
Lenin worked to bring his doctrine in line with Russian economic
realities and revolutionary opportunities
- Many felt he was just importing the agrarian program of the SRs
- Peasant mobilization
over the preceding two and one half years was effectively at its end,
but
the peasant question was far from settled
<>1907je03:Manifesto
dissolving Second Duma [TXT]
[VSB,3:787-8
|
McC1:47-8]
-
Petr Stolypin coup d'état imposed a new election law while Duma was no
longer in session [Russian GDR:357-95]
- As revolutionary disorder subsided (or should we say "was suppressed")
and as the statist-oriented new election law took effect, the Third Duma met
and was the first session of the
State Duma to last its full five-year term
- 1934:Three decades later, as Stalinism began to set down its roots in
Soviet Russian life, the west European political refugee Petr Struve wrote
memoirs of Russian liberal activists in the 1905 Revolution. He asserted
that if at any time the
liberals had succeeded in forming a cabinet, they would have had to
fight revolutionary maximalists to the death, just as did Stolypin, either
that or "capitulate pitiably before the triumphant mob" [*1934ja:SEER#12,35:366]
One sniffs in this 1934 statement about "the triumphant mob" more nearly the
scent of the anti-democratic European political atmosphere in the
era of Stalin, Hitler and Mussolini than of the political atmosphere in
the time of the Second Duma
- Stolypin's coup marked the end of the political crisis known as the
"First Russian Revolution" =
-
1905 LOOP begins again
<>1907je:Hague |
Second International Peace Conference
*--First
Conference
*--Major conventions signed at these two conferences aimed to strengthen the
possibility of international law
[TXT]
*--USA in the
Progressive Era supported these conventions (Spanish-American War
[ID] and Panama adventure
[ID] now behind it) while Russia opposed them (need to re-arm after
Russo-Japanese War
[ID])
*--Second
International's Stuttgart Resolution on militarism and International
Conflict supported the Hague resolutions [DPH:224-6]
*--Replaced after WW1 by World Court
[ID]
\\
*--Saul,2:521-3
<>1907jy30:(13.7.40 Meiji):
Saint Petersburg | Russian-Japanese treaty re. Manchuria, Korea & Mongolia [DIR2:432-4
|
DIR3:473-78] In essence, the treaty divided Manchuria into "North Manchuria"
under Russian authority and "South Manchuria" under Japanese authority. Korea
was granted fully to Japan (with "most favored nation" status assigned to
Russia). Outer Mongolia was granted to Russia
*--Ernest B. Price,
The Russo-Japanese Treaties of 1907-1916 Concerning Manchuria and Mongolia
*--More treaties in
Japanese-Russian international relations [DIR2:]
<>1907au18:1919;
English-Russian entente
[TXT] [DIR3:467-72]
- Iran (Persia) was divided between Russia & England for 12 years,
throughout WW1 and into the first post-war years. Two competing empires
agreed to divide a third party, Persia, into spheres of influence. The
Russians took the northern sphere, the British the southern and eastern. A
central neutral sphere was preserved between the two where they were free to
compete with one another for economic and political advantage
- Working together, the two European imperialist rivals ended the hope
that the Iranian Constitutional Revolution might inaugurate a new era of
independence
- Iran had struggled to preserve
its own Persian spheres of influence over the previous century, but now
it appeared to be fully under European imperialist dominion =
- 1908je:Persian shah deployed his Persian Cossack Brigade, under Russian
command, to bomb the Majlis building, arrest deputies, and close down the
assembly. However, Iranians continued to resist =
- 1909jy:In Tabriz, Esfahan, Rasht and elsewhere, Iranian resistance to
the shah coalesced in a wide-spread constitutional movement which marched
from Rasht and Esfahan to Tehran, deposed the shah, and reestablished the
constitution. The ex-shah went into Russian exile. Constitutional forces
triumphed, but they faced serious difficulties. Upheavals in the time of
Constitutional Revolution and civil war undermined stability and trade
- 1910jy:Persian shah in Russian exile, and with Russian imperial support,
landed troops in Persia in an attempt to overthrow parliamentary rule and
regain his throne
- Afghan independence was brought under "protection" of England
- Also at this time Russia and England settled disagreements over Tibet.
The mountainous region Tibet had for 200 years suffered vulnerability in its
relationship to great powers
- Eight years earlier, Lord Curzon, who was then English Viceroy of India,
explained the interlocking relationship of
Iran (Persia),
Afghanistan,
India and other English imperialist domains. He emphasized the threat
posed by Russia to these territories "which Great Britain regards with good
reason as falling within her sphere of influence" [BNE:185-7]
- But now, eight years later, England sought to placate Russia in
anticipation of the need for wide alliance against Germany, here on the eve
of WW1
- Energy politics (oil) also played a role in a era of transition to
petroleum-powered military navies
- In this same year, 1907, English Foreign Office official Sir Eyre Crowe
[ID] reacted to
growing German naval power and outlined one of the first European
descriptions of how an "arms race" might be managed and how it might run out
of control [P20:55
and
PWT2:262-4 emphasize those pages from Crowe's long report that indicated
Germany's yearning for expansion and power |
BNE:201-8 presents a far more subtle excerpt that does more justice to
Crowe's honest and intelligent assessment of the world situation]
- This English/Russian entente completed the "Triple Entente" (France,
Russia and England) which isolated Germany and set the European
diplomatic stage for alliance among core "allies" in WW1 [DIR2:426-31
| ORW:147-8 |
CCC2,2:620-1]
- The
Great Game was coming home, and it was increasingly obvious that Russia
was the least competent of the big players, now having allowed herself to be
put in a hostile relation to Germany, contrary to her own interests
[EG],, but strongly beneficial to England and France
- British
documents on the origins of the war, 1898-1914 v4
- European imperialism and European war were fertilized together
<>1907oc15:Petersburg
director of the Chief Prison Administration A.M. Maksimovskii assassinated by
Ragozinnikova [VSB,3:809-10]
*1908:NYT article [TXT]
described assassination, execution of Ragozinnikova, and then the revenge
killing of another tsarist official by Ragozinnikova's brother
*--Revolutionary terror abated, but would not cease. Insider police-administered
terror also lived on =
*1907:1912; Russian statesman, ex-Finance Minister (and
ex-Prime Minister) Sergei Witte wrote his
Memoirs,
covering the
big moments in his illustrious career [Excerpts =
DIR3:451-60]. Witte was "retired", but not out of the action =
\\
*2001de02:Revolutionary Russia#14,2:1-32| Iain Lauchlan, "Security
Policing in Late Imperial Russia" [TXT]
| Also see his "The accidental terrorist: Okhrana connections to the
extreme-right and the attempt to assassinate former Chairman of the Council of
Ministers Sergei Witte in 1907"| (( A case study in the relationship between the
tsarist secret police -- Okhrana or okhranka -- and
acts of political terror perpetrated by the extreme-right in late Imperial
Russia. This specific case concerns the tangled web of conspiracy, propaganda
and controversy that surrounded the attempted assassination of Witte))
<>1907no01:1912je09;
Third State Duma, elected according to the new Stolypin electoral law,
lasted its full term, four and a half years
- The
First and
Second Dumas were less legislatures than revolutionary tribunals. They
were overpowered by statist forces
- With the Third State Duma,
the three-year-long 1905 Revolution was at an end
- Now we ask, did it accomplish anything =
- 1907no16:Stolypin defended his "get-tough" program before the Third Duma
[VSB,3:788-9
| Full Russian text GDR:398-402]
- 1908de08:Prime Minister Petr Stolypin's "wager on the strong" speech
delivered to Third Duma and debated [VSB,3:805-7]
Stolypin pushed for serious
peasant reform
- A notable accomplishment of the Third Duma was the first vigorous and
effective primary education program
- 1908mr11:Evgraf Petrovich Kovalevskii introduced education bill [VSB,3:817]
But still, restrictions on Jews were maintained [VSB:818]
- 1910:1911;
Aleksandr Guchkov was elected president of the Third Duma
- About the importance of budgetary authority in the growth of
parliamentary power [WRH3:509-10
| *1912:RRe#1:14-48]
- About political parties in the mature
State Duma period [WRH3:511-21]
-
The "revolutionary era" of political party formation seemed over as
groups got down to work within the Duma structure
- The Third Duma was a political environment within which the
KDs,
Octobrists and other moderate political parties thrived
- However, large and more radical groups, the SRs and SDs, were
marginalized and continued to organize themselves in anticipation of a
future revolutionary situation. The obdurate revolutionary quality of SR and
SD programs was not just a peculiarity of Russian experience. A darkening
political mood influenced the evolution of
political parties throughout Europe on the eve of WW1
- The Third State Duma was
Stolypin's finest hour
- Aleksandr Izvolskii,
Recollections of a
Foreign Minister
- Vladimir Gurko,
Features and Figures of the Past: Government and Opinion in the Reign of
Nicholas II
- Vladimir Kokovtsov,
Out of My Past: The
Memoirs of Count Kokovtsov, Russian Minister of Finance, 1904-1914, Chairman
of the Council of Ministers, 1911-1914
- The
Fourth Duma, elected in 1912, was to be more nearly a part of the
history of WW1 than it was of Russian democracy, so this Third Duma
is the historical laboratory for testing Russian "readiness" for
parliamentary democracy
\\
*--Jeffrey Brooks, When
Russia Learned to Read: Literacy and Popular Literature, 1861-1917
*--Ben Eklof, Russian
Peasant Schools
*--William H. Johnson,
Russia's Educational Heritage
*--Geoffrey A. Hosking,
The Russian Constitutional Experiment: Government and Duma, 1907-1914
*--R. B. McKean, The
Russian Constitutional Monarchy, 1907-1917
*--Ben-Cion Pinchuk, The
Octobrists in the Third Duma, 1907-1912
*--R. W. Thurston, "Police and People in Moscow, 1906-1914" | *1980jy:RRe#39:320-38
*--N. B. Weissman, Reform
in Tsarist Russia: The State Bureaucracy and Local Government, 1900-1914
<>1908:Root-Takahira
agreements
<>1908:USA Federal Bureau
of Investigation [FBI] organized. The struggle against crime was also feature of
the
Progressive Era
<>1908jy23:Turkey
(Ottoman Empire) | | "Young Turks", led by
Mustafa Kemal (1880-1938) and others, launched nationalist/reformist
movement aimed to modernize Turkey in order better to resist foreign
manipulation. The movement was less Ottoman and imperialist than it was Turkish
nationalist
*--Soon the German Empire, via Deutsche Bank and Krupp Manufacturing, was
supplying the tottering Ottoman Empire with investment capital and heavy modern
industrial-grade weaponry. The
Berlin-Baghdad Express project
[ID] was revived
*--More
Ottoman Turkey
\\
*--Sean McMeekin, The
Berlin-Baghdad Express: The Ottoman Empire and Germany's Bid for World Power
<>1908:All-Russian Women's Congress| Anna
Kalmanovich speech [BRW:321-4]
<>1908au:London | Russian
SRs held First General Party Conference under leadership of Viktor Chernov [VSB,3:810-11]
<>1908se:Austria annexed
Bosnia and Herzegovina
[W] Russia's
attentions called back to Balkans
nearly 30 years after chastisement in Berlin. The
Great Game was about to make its final contribution to the catastrophe of
World War One
<>1908no:Russian poet
Aleksandr Blok seemed to welcome a revolutionary future, though with dread, as
he anticipated the destruction of the
intelligentsia: "The People & the Intelligentsia" [Raeff3:359-63]
Blok took on other interpretive issues in "Catiline: A Page from the History of
World Revolution" [RRS:291-320]
*--Blok
never let go of his revolutionary fascination and dread
*--Andrei
Belyi, another Symbolist poet, wrote on "Revolution and Culture" [RRS:271-90]
Some of his
essays have been translated
\\
*1979:1980; ENG.OX| Avril Pyman,
The life of
Aleksandr Blok| v1= The distant thunder, 1880-1908| v2= The release of
harmony, 1908-1921 (rich in long citations from original sources)
<>1908de29:English
financier Lord Furness delivered a speech extolling virtues of controlling
markets by combination of large corporations, monopolies, economic cartels, or,
here, "amalgamations" [CCC2,2:795f
CCC3,2:870-6]
*--Three years earlier John P. Davis warned of overweening power of big business
= Corporations: A
Study of the Origin and Development of Great Business Combinations and of their
Relation to the Authority of the State
<>1909:Austrian
psychoanalyst
Sigmund Freud delivered lectures in USA on origin and development of
psychoanalysis [CCC2,2:1061-83]
<>1909:Russian intellectuals
published Vekhi [Signposts; Landmarks] a collection of essays critical of
the Russian intelligentsia
[ID], especially its revolutionary radicalism
- New trends in Russian thought
[ID] reflected in this anthology =
Nikolai Berdiaev, Sergei Bulgakov,
Mikhail Gershenzon, Izgoev, Kistiakovskii, Struve,& Frank [VSB,3:812-14]
-
Fellow intelligenty protested
- Struve, "The Intelligentsia and the National Face" [RRS:265-70]
- 1909ja30:Tolstoy
wrote "A Letter to a Revolutionary" [VSB,3:816-17]
- 1909:Paris |Dmitrii Merezhkovskii, Zinaida Gippius, and D. Filosofov
published
Tsar i revoliutsiia
- 1917:Mikhail Nesterov portrait of Pavel Florenskii and Nikolai Bulgakov,
pix in Olga's
Gallery
<>1909:Lenin published
Materialism & Empirio-Criticism [Edie,3:410-36]
*--Prominent Russian philosopher Liubov Akselrod [pseudonym "Ortodoks"], a
powerful woman’s voice among
Russian Marxists, reviewed Lenin’s essay [Edie,3:457-63].
Still an émigré,
Lenin had to content himself with philosophical ramblings in isolation from
actual politics
<>1909fe12:USA NYC | The
National Association for the Advancement of Colored People [NAACP] formed
*--[W] describes how the group was "formed
by a group of black and white citizens committed to helping to right social
injustices". FOUNDERS: Mary White Ovington, Dr. Henry Moscowitz, Oswald Garrison
Villiard, William English Walling, Ida Wells-Barnett and W.E.B. DuBois led the
"Call" to renew the struggle for civil and political liberty
*--The
Progressive Era put attention to racial issues
<>1909:+; Cubism introduced in
west European painting, with
Pablo Picasso playing a leading role
<>1909fe20:Italian
newspaper Le Figaro featured "Initial Manifesto of Futurism" on its front
page. Birth of a movement that rejected 19th century esthetics [CWC:6-15]
- The author was the poet F. T. Marinetti, a man of great inherited wealth
= "We affirm that the world's magnificence has been enriched by a new
beauty: the beauty of speed! A racing car whose hood is adorned with great
pipes, like serpents of explosive breath -- a roaring car that seems to ride
on grapeshot is more beautiful than the Victory of Samothrace. We want to
hymn the man at the wheel, who hurls the lance of his spirit across the
Earth, along the circle of its orbit."
- Marinetti drove a 1908 four-door, four-cylinder Fiat Brevetti
convertible, top speed, forty miles an hour [pix]
- Marinetti wrote, “We will glorify war -- the only true hygiene of the
world -- militarism, patriotism, the destructive gesture of the
anarchist, the beautiful Ideas which kill, and the scorn of woman”
- On the question of WW1, and chauvinistic militarism in general, the Dada
[ID] movement moved in a direction opposite to the Futurists
- These movements opened an epoch of extreme innovation in
European fine arts
<>1909jy25:English Channel first crossed by air.
French pilot Louis Blériot described feat [Eye:422-3]
<>1909oc12:Japanese Prince
Ito killed by Korean
terrorist, causing Japan to impose an imperialist dictatorship in Korea
-
China and Japan in conflict this year over Manchuria. Old Russian
interests still relevant to this question, as were the interests of the new
player on the block, USA
- USA alarmed, proposed neutralization of the entire Manchurian
railroad network, but
Japan and Russia rejected this idea
- USA Secretary of State-to-be Knox received letter from Theodore
Roosevelt warning about Japan [F/Russia/ and /mainland/ in
TXT]
<>1910:English
journalist and pundit Norman Angell, The Great Illusion
[TXT],
disputed the possibility that modern warfare could bring benefit to a nation [CCC3,2:1277-96]
- In this year, French intellectual Charles Péguy published Notre
Jeunesse. Here he exposed what he thought was a two-pronged attack on
his beloved French Republic, one from the left and the other from the right
[CCC3,2:1045-66].
Born of peasant stock, he refused a commission as officer in WW1. He died
fighting in the ranks with his fellow citizens at the
Battle of the Marne
- Italian Nationalist Association founder declared, "Just as socialism
teaches the proletariat the value of class struggle, so we must teach Italy
the value of international struggle. But international struggle is war?
Well, then, let there be war! And nationalism will arouse the will for a
victorious war, ... the only way to national redemption" [P20:3]
- French socialist leader
Jean Jaurès published anti-war
statement L'Armée nouvelle [CCC2,2:1107-16 |
CCC3,2:1067-76]
- In these pre-WW1 years, Henri Massis and Alfred de Tarde published
The Young People of Today which attacked the liberalism and positivism
[ID] of the older generation and praised the patriotic, religious, and
heroic future of French youth. It promised that "nothing can be more useful
for the renewal of the fatherland than a generation that is athletic,
realistic, un-ideological, virtuous, and fit for economic struggles, since
nothing can better insure the revitalization and the health of the race". [CWC:16-35]
<>1910:Russian political
activist and theorist
Moisei Ostrogorski published
Democracy and the Party
System in the United States: A Study in Extra-Constitutional Government,
based on a vast earlier book, Democracy and the Organization of Political
Parties
[TXT]
- In the late 19th century, Ostrogorski lived in the USA and made a
serious study of its constitutional politics, much influenced by the
critical atmosphere of the US
Progressive Era
- By 1910 Ostrogorski had also experienced Russian party politics. He had
been an active member of the
KDs in the First Russian Duma
[ID]. And he had been deeply disappointed by that experience
- So on-the-scene study of politics in England and USA, plus direct
experience of Russian politics in the 1905 Revolution, made him skeptical
about
political parties. Like so many Europeans of the day, he was now unsure
of the received tradition of 19th-century optimism and liberalism. He
described a tendency toward oligarchic [minoritarian elitist] manipulation
of the larger party membership. He called such parties
"cadre parties"
- "Cadre" came to mean a designated and trained
managerial elite
- Contradictions vexed liberalism from the outset
[ID]. Now in the early 20th century it suffered also from a degree of
internal corruption of central principles
\\
*1976:Political Studies#23,4
on Ostrogorskii's political ideas
<>1910:Petersburg
liberal intelligentsia
[ID] defended their cause against the attacks launched the year before by
the
Vekhi group
<>1910:Russian
Bolshevik branch of the SDs drew up pessimistic platform. They anticipated no
Marxist revolution soon [VSB,3:811-12]
<>1910ja18:England,
Liverpool | Suffragette [a
woman fighting for the right to vote] Lady Constance Lytton, disguised as a
laboring-class woman, described how police force fed her in the Walton Gaol
[jail] [Eye:423-5]
- Women's issues were not limited to the vote = *1901:Maria Pokrovskaia
offered a woman’s perspective on prostitution and alcoholism [BRW:359-62]
and the question “Should Men Be Chaste?” [BRW:135-8]
- 1910ap21:Russian Prostitutes' Petition [BRW:138-40]
- 1910:Ekaterina Gardner’s speech on abolishing brothels [BRW:362-6]
- 1910:Russian woman Aleksandra Dementeva spoke on Prostitution as a
Profession [BRW:199-205]
<>1910fe08:USA | Knox memo to the Russian state
\\
Zabriskie
<>1910je14:Russian Third
Duma passed complicated Stolypin land law,
four years after the initial tsarist ukaz [VSB,3:807-8]
- Stolypin Land Law sought to allow peasant families to claim farming land
as their own that had been traditionally subject to periodic redistribution
within the village assembly [mirskoi skhod] or peasant commune
- Later these scattered holdings could be consolidated into single
farmsteads, though the technical and social complexity of consolidation was
never fully resolved. These reforms also promoted peasant migration to the
new lands of Siberia, Central Asia, and the piedmont of the northern
Caucasus Mountains. Costs and other passport difficulties associated with
migration to Siberia via the Trans-Siberian Railroad were eased for
pioneer-minded peasants in European Russia
[TXT] Witte's confidence in
railroads, central to
his system introduced two decades earlier, was being confirmed
- Serious agrarian reform preceded Stolypin [GO
1649:Moscow
1797mr24
1837:1841]. The
Emancipation of the serfs in 1861 is the single most famous event. Now
the state returned to the countryside to complete the job only started in
the 19th century
- Andrei Koefoed,
My Share in the
Stolypin Agrarian Reforms
- Old "Russian hand" among English pundits,
Donald Mackenzie Wallace offered a few "whiggish" remarks on the
State Duma and Stolypin in the 1912 edition of his famous book
Russia
[VSB,3:790]
- The Stolypin reforms may be seen as a belated effort to put the various
modernizing reform measures of the previous century on a more solid
basis. Having worked on the upper stories of this new tsarist structure for
over 100 years, the imperial state now got serious about work on the
foundations and first floors. Too little, too late?
- These reforms may also be seen as part of a conceptual development in
macro-economic thought in Europe since the time of Adam Smith
[ID]. Teodor Shanin has argued [Roots
of Otherness,2:4-7] that Stolypin represents "the second
amendment" to classical economic theory, in which the state takes charge of
social relations and the economy in the interests of the state, in which the
state follows a failed peasant revolution with a "revolution from above", a
state revolution designed to transform peasant life and guarantee the
strength and security of the state. Friedrich List
[ID] represents what Shanin calls "the first amendment"
-
Peasant life at the turn of the 20th century was difficult. Everyday
life in the Russian village seemed doomed by glacial changes associated with
economic "modernization" around the whole globe. Those who struggled to
preserve village traditions, or to build a future based on recapturing them,
could be "conservatives"
[EG], could be "revolutionaries" [EG#1
|
EG#2], or could be cultural idealists, reactionary atavists or just
plain curmudgeons. Consider this
idealized peasant market scene painted by Boris Kustodiev
- 1911:Piatnitskii Folk ensemble formed
[ID]. "Folk art" and "pop-art"
flourished together, but were not the same thing
- Everywhere in the world, the forces of industrial modernization and/or
imperialist intervention into traditional village life were eradicating
ancient rural ways. One of the last great theoretical efforts to defend the
vitality and survivability of village life was the Russian theorist
Aleksandr Chaianov
[ID] (Remember
Howells, Weber and Veblen)
- 1909ap19:Law on trans-Ural settlement encouraged villagers to pack off
to the Siberian frontier = "Go east, young man" [VSB,3:818]
- In the waning years of the Russian Empire the Stolypin reforms aimed to
transform the institutional foundations of Russian village everyday life.
The largest socio-economic objective was to convert villagers into farmers
and to find a way to accommodate those who were willing to become Siberian
settlers to get this done
[pix of peasant pioneers at rail station]. Promotion of rural prosperity
via pioneer settlement to open lands put Russia in line with earlier trends
of US history
[ID] which seemed to encourage the hearty "yeoman farmer". The future of
rural life did not seem to hold the same promise as the past. Still, a
certain number of Russian
farmers prospered
- 1910se:Stolypin returned from a tour of peasant settlement in Siberia
and reported to Nicholas II. He had earlier expressed the concern that "the
democracy of Siberia will crush us". His meaning of democracy was largely
social, not political/institutional. He meant to say that a "peasant sea"
might wash over complex hierarchical Russia, but he was not frightened
because he felt industrialization would check that possibility. Now he
reported that
after a fearful convulsion, Russia undoubtedly is going through a
powerful economic and moral upsurge, to which also the harvest of the
last two years contributes strongly. Siberia is growing fabulously; in
the waterless steppes which two years ago were regarded as unfit for
settlement, during the last few months there have grown up not only
villages but almost cities. And the mixed current of right and poor,
strong and weak, registered and irregular migrants bursting through from
Russia into Siberia is in general a wonderful and powerful olonizational
element. I would add, an element that is firmly monarchist, with a
right, pure, Russian outlook.
- He went on to express this cautious excitement =
All this and much else -- these are urgent and immediate questions.
Otherwise, in an unconscious and formless manner will be created an
enormous, rudely democratic country, which soon will throttle European
Russia." In other words, his reforms were working, perhaps too well.
Thus measures had to be taken to make sure they did not tumble out of
state control. The very psychology of the people had changed.
Among the peasants already there have appeared apostles of land
settlement and agricultural improvements. I saw members of the First
Duma from the peasant-revolutionaries
[ID] who are now passionate homesteaders [khutoriane] and
devotees of order. And how right you are, Your Majesty, how rightly you
fathomed what is going on in the soul of the people, when you write that
the fundamental questions for the government are land settlement and
migration. One must apply enormous forces to these two problems and not
let them languish.
- 1912jy05:Another law on trans-Ural settlement built on apparent
successes [VSB,3:889]
- Here are some illustrations of traditional rural
ways in Russia =
- Housing
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
- Arts and crafts
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
-
Everyday life illustrated by photos =
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
[pix]
-
Stolypin had little interest in protecting "traditional rural ways"
- 1912:Russian Peasant women appealed for divorce and described abuse of
wives [BRW:102-107]
- And what of those in Russia and elsewhere who were squeezed off the land
and into the ranks of the burgeoning new class,
wage-laborers?
\\
*--Corinne Gaudin, Ruling
Peasants: Village and State in Late Imperial Russia
*--Robinson,
ch11 and ch12
*--David A. J. Macey,
Government and Peasant
in Russia, 1861-1906: The Prehistory of the Stolypin Reforms
*--D. W. Treadgold,
The Great Siberian Migration: Government and Peasant in Resettlement from
Emancipation to the First World War
*--George L. Yaney,
The Urge to
Mobilize: Agrarian Reform in Russia, 1861-1930
*--A. V. Zenkovsky,
Stolypin: Russia's
last Great Reformer
*--Georgii A. Pavlovsky,
Agricultural
Russia on the Eve of Revolution
*--Vladimir P. Timoshenko,
Agricultural
Russia and the Wheat Problem
*--George Tokmakoff, P.
A. Stolypin and the Third Duma
*1977se:SlR#36:377-98
| J. Y. Simms, "The Crisis in Russian Agriculture at the End of the 19th
Century: A Different View"
*--R. Hennessy, The Agrarian Question in Russia 1905-1917:The Inception of
the Stolypin Reform. Giessen:1977
*--Mary Shaeffer Conroy, Petr Arkadevich Stolypin: Practical Politics in Late
Tsarist Russia. Boulder:1976
<>1910jy07:(4.7.43 Meiji) Petersburg |
Russian-Japanese treaty (1912:and 1916:other treaties) [DIR2:434-9]
<>1910au08 (NS au22):Japan
annexed Korea. Tension between
Japan and
China over Manchuria
\\
*--Peter S. H. Tang, Russian and Soviet Policy in Manchuria and Outer
Mongolia, 1911-1931. Durham NC:1959
<>1910no07:Leo Tolstoy
died, ending a career of national and international cultural and "spiritual"
influence that
spanned about a half century
*--Vladimir Chertkov's memoir on the last days of Tolstoy
[TXT]
<>1911:English labor
activist and public intellectual L.T. Hobhouse defended liberalism in its modern
evolution toward welfare legislation, Liberalism [CCS,1:803-24]
*--Hobhouse continued the tradition of Thomas Hill Green’s brand of English
liberalism with its attention to the good of the whole community as well as
to individual liberty, and its emphasis on health, education and
welfare, all three vital elements in the accommodation of
wage-labor in the industrializing body politic [PWT2:176-9]
<>1911:German Social
Democratic Party activist
Robert Michels became pessimistic about prospects for democracy in modern
industrial societies and wrote critically about
political parties, A Sociological Study of the Oligarchical Tendencies of
Modern Democracy [CCS:507-31
|
CCS,1:7 897-921]
<>1911:USA abrogated
1832:treaty of Navigation and Commerce with Russia, in part because of
treatment of Russian Jews. Powerful banker and associate of the Harriman
railroad companies, Jacob Schiff, played a role, as did the USA diplomat and
Progressive Party activist, Oscar Straus. See Straus'
The American
spirit (1913), especially the section on Russia and America. The
Progressive Era influenced US foreign policy
*--Jewish
emigration to USA was fast making it a a rival to Russia in the size of its
Jewish population. This demographic fact helps explain growing US sensitivity to
the problems of anti-Semitism. Many Jewish emigrants to USA came from the
Russian Empire in the late 19th and early 20th centuries
*--This demographic influx can be compared with the Russian experience
in the 1770s
*--Rose Cohen,
Out of the shadow: A Russian Jewish girlhood on the Lower East Side
[original publication in 1918]
*--Joseph Boyarsky,
The life and
suffering of the Jew in Russia; a historical review of Russia's advancement
beginning with the year 987 A.D. to the close of the nineteenth century; a
description of the special laws enacted against the Jews, and reasons thereof
(Los Angeles, 1912)
*1992:Yelena Khanga published her family’s unusual émigré experience in USA,
Soul to Soul: A
Black Russian American Family,1865-1992
\\
*--Tony Michels, A
Fire in Their Hearts: Yiddish Socialists in New York| Many Jews who
migrated to USA came from the Russian imperial Pale of Settlement, Ukraine and
Poland. Many of them thought of Russian culture as the model of modern,
this-worldly spiritual greatness. What the Jewish intelligentsia meant by
Russian culture largely meant the progressive traditions of the Russian radical
intelligentsia
[ID]. They set about creating a political movement in the “Yiddish”
language, a German-based language often written in the Hebrew alphabet. Most
middle and eastern European Jews in the 19th century spoke Yiddish. The movement
formed up political parties and published a significant periodical literature
*--By the early 21st century, Yiddish progressivism had disappeared in USA and
in Europe. And the Yiddish language survived mainly as a significant enrichment
of slang expression in English and other European tongues
*--Saul,2:233-57,
292-6, 396-401, 474-7, 523-7, 567-9, 582-4
*--Steven Cassedy,
To the Other Shore:
The Russian Jewish Intellectuals Who Came to America (1997)
<>1911my:1911de;
Persian government hired US businessman W. Morgan Shuster
[ID] treasurer general
in an effort to reform national finances
- Shuster got into big trouble when he sought to collect taxes from
powerful officials who were Russian protégés. He dispatched a tax department
police force into the Russian zone. The Russians came to the support of
their protégés
- 1911de20:Persian Majlis (parliament) unanimously refused a Russian
ultimatum demanding Shuster's dismissal. Russian troops, already in the
country, moved to occupy Tehran
- Native Bakhtiari chiefs and their troops surrounded the Majlis building,
forced acceptance of the Russian ultimatum, and shut down the assembly, once
again suspending the constitution. Bakhtiari efforts prevented Russian
occupation of the capital but momentarily terminated the Majlis
- 1911:1921; For a decade, through WW1 and its immediate
aftermath, Bakhtiari chiefs and other powerful notables governed Persia
- 1914:1918; Throughout WW1, Russian, British, and Ottoman troops
occupied Persia
- Shuster returned to the United States and wrote
The Strangling
of Persia, a scathing indictment of Russian and British meddling in
Persian affairs. Shuster decried the influence of the Great Powers and
concluded that "it was obvious that the people of Persia deserve much better
than what they are getting, that they wanted us to succeed, but it was the
British and the Russians who were determined not to let us succeed"
-
Iranian political modernization was delayed decades
<>1911my09:Serbia, Beograd
| A secret, nationalistic, para-military political organization, "Union or
Death" [Black Hand (ID)],
composed their "Constitution"
[TXT]
*--They sought to wrest from Austrian AND
Ottoman control all territories they considered part of the
Yugoslav "national" historical heritage
<>1911jy:USA | Great
international energy corporation Standard Oil broken into smaller companies
<>1911se01:Kiev opera
house, in the presence of Nicholas II, Dimitrii Bogrov, both a revolutionary
terrorist and and agent of the secret police, assassinated Prime Minister Petr
Stolypin, a premature end to a brilliant
seven years at the official center of Russian events
-
Over the previous decade of political terror SRs in their Battle
Organization had carried out 263 acts of terrorism. They assassinated 2
state ministers, 33 provincial governors, 16 city mayors, 7 generals, 15
colonels, and 26 police spies. Seventy seven terrorists were apprehended and
executed
- 1911:Polish-born English-language novelist
Joseph Conrad published Under Western Eyes [TXT],
a penetrating fictional account of Russian émigré revolutionist in
underground Geneva. The novel reflected European fascination with
"bomb-throwing
anarchists" and political terrorism, but also reflected something of
Conrad's own Polish family history
- As the 20th century unfolded, did
terrorism become a variety of interest-politics
[ID]? Whose interests were served?
<>1912:German general (retired) Friedrich von
Bernhardi published popular, pro-war book, Deutschland und der nächste Krieg
[Germany and the next war] [CWC:55-69]
<>1912:Russian avant
painter Wassily Kandinsky published
Concerning The
Spiritual In Art, And Painting In Particular

- View a large collection of Kandinsky paintings in
Olga's
Gallery
- Innovation in
the fine arts seemed to presage a new revolutionary epoch for mankind,
despite the fact that a large portion of the population felt little more
than, at best, puzzlement and, at worse, revulsion, when exposed to work
like Kandinsky's
<>1912:USA election year
marked apex of "progressive" movement
<>1912fe12:China
declared a republic by
Sun Yat-sen (1866-1925)
*--This the consequence of the Chinese Emperor's abdication and the collapse of
the nearly 300-year-old Manchu Dynasty at the end of
a tragic half-century of subordination to "Western" imperialist powers
<>1912fe26:Saint
Petersburg | Mikhail Rodzianko, president of
State Duma (a member of the
Octobrist Party) and loyal subject of the tsar, was brave enough to report
to Emperor Nicholas II about the antics of
Grigorii Rasputin and their great harm to Russia
*--Rodzianko
wrote his memoirs of these pitiful events and this pitiful time,
Reign of
Rasputin [Excerpt =
DIR2:440-9 |
DIR3:479-90]
\\
*--"Rodzianko" website with English-language quotes from documents
[W]
Contemporary cartoon showed
Nicholas II and his wife
in Rasputin's control

<>1912ap04:Russia
experienced widespread labor demonstrations in protest against the massacre of
something between 200 and 500 Siberian workers in the gold fields of the Lena
River region
- 1912ap09:ap11; State Duma discussed Lena incident [VSB,3:820-1]
- 1912:1914; Despite strict
censorship intended to prevent any inflammatory material reaching the
screen, many early Russian films achieved a remarkably candid portrayal of
social conditions for the laboring poor
[EG]
- 1912je23:Health and accident insurance act passed to protect industrial
workers. An elected "Social Insurance Council" was created (including labor
deputies) [VSB,3:820-1
|
Rimlinger outlined 1914:social insurance bill which the Council proposed
to Fourth Duma =
TXT]
- Despite growing unrest,
Russian Marxism found itself, after a third of a century, with only a
slim hope of success in Russia. The
industrial laboring class was just too small a portion of the population
there
\\
*1964de & 1965mr:SlR
| Leopold Haimson, "Social Stability..."
<>1912ap27:Russian decree ordered officers and
soldiers of the Russian army in time of war to spare civilians and their
properties, to spare the wounded and imprisoned enemy, to honor the
unarmed enemy soldier who sought mercy, and to refrain from plundering the dead
[VSB,3:819]
*--This on the eve of an early demonstration of the vicious
possibilities of modern total war
<>1912je09:Full
five-year term of Third State Duma ended
<>1912je15:Russian
judicial reform reinstituted the elected justice of the peace [mirovoi sud]
[VSB,3:819-20]
*--The position of the Land Captain in the countryside was weakened, but this
widely despised institution continued to function more or less
as it had for 23 years
<>1912oc17:1913jy30;
Balkan crisis in international relations resulted in two Balkan Wars
- Metaphorically speaking, European Imperialism took this first of two
big, booted steps out of Asia and
Africa and back into the heart of Europe
- The first step was into the south Slavic territories [this the
meaning of "Yugoslavia"] between the Turkish Ottoman Empire and the
Austro-Hungarian Empire where two vicious Balkan wars were fought in
which 142 thousand died. The
Ottoman Turkish Empire lost European territory in war
[MAP]
- International imperialist conflict struck home, while domestic
wage-labor problems intensified in pace with the incredible growth of
industrial productive power
- The second step reached further into central and western Europe
two years later when the
first mechanized total global war broke out (WW1)
- Great powers come into conflict within Europe, and their worlds came
shaking down in a short six year period
- It could be said that
three-quarters of a century in "the Great Game" now yielded catastrophe
- International imperialist competition [DPH:220-9,
268-71]
- 1894:1914; Correspondence between Tsar Nicholas II and Kaiser Wilhelm|
1914:Their telegrams [TXT]
- British
documents on the origins of the war, 1898-1914 vv9-10
- S. D. Sazonov, Fateful Years, 1909-1916 [memoirs of Russian
Foreign Minister] LND:1928 [Excerpts
VSB,3:798-9 |
DIR2:467-73]
\\
*--W. Bruce Lincoln, In War's Dark Shadow: The Russians Before the Great War.
NYC:1983
*--Donald M. Wallace, Russia (LND:1912) [914.7 W155]
*----------. Russia: On the Eve of War and Revolution (Princeton:1984)
[DK262.W29]
<>1912no15:1917oc06;
Saint Petersburg | Fourth State Duma lasted nearly five years
- Its first 21 months of peace-time existence were plagued by growing
international crisis as well as by deteriorating domestic economic and
social conditions
- Its accomplishments did not promise to equal those of the Third State
Duma
- See for example the statistics on state finances, 1900-1913, and
Kokovtsov's report on economic development, 1904-1914 [VSB,3:822-6]
- Even with the serious crises of
war and
revolution, it can be said that the Russian economy,
since the introduction of the Witte system, had been very beneficial to
the grandee elites who were tapped into state power
- Economic conditions among the majority of the population, the wage-labor
poor, were altogether another matter
- 1911:1914; Merchant P. A. Buryshkin described Moscow industrialists [VSB,3:826-7
| Russian
memoirs]
- Then came World War One with two and a half years of military disaster
- The
State Duma collapsed with the Romanov dynasty after 1917mr02
<>1913:German political
economist Werner Sombart published Zur Geistesgeschichte des modernen
Wirtschaftsmenschen [A contribution to the spiritual history of modern
businessmen, translated into English in 1915 as The Quintessence of
Capitalism], combining social science methods with the subtle new discipline
psychology [CCS,2:98-125]
*--Sombart began as a "sceintific Marxist" but evolved in the direction of
Nazi-style nationalism
[ID], all this without letting go his desire to be "scientific"
<>1913:Spanish scholar
and essayist Miguel de Unamuno (1864-1936), Del sentimiento trágico de la
vida (1921: Eng. translation,
The Tragic
Sense of Life) [CCC2,2:1096-1104]
- In many ways an "anti-modernist", Unamuno was modern in his use of
paradox and irony, and his strong sense of individual independence
- He was also a firm defender of
liberalism against the many statist doctrines that gripped Spain in the
1930s
- He died defending this cause
<>1913:USA Federal Reserve
Act
[ID]
<>1913mr01:Pravda |
Russian émigré revolutionary leader
Vladimir Lenin, "Historical Fate of the Doctrine of Karl Marx" (among other
things, on Russia and Asia) [StH:3-5
| shorter excerpt:
KMM:246-7]
*--Petersburg police filed
ID photo of young Georgia revolutionary, Soso Dzhugashvili, who would later
gain world fame as
Joseph Stalin
<>1913mr03:USA, WDC |
"Votes for Women", a detail from cover of the Official program - Woman suffrage
procession [ source
]

- In this year in USA (Hartford CN) English Suffragist Emmeline Pankhurst
delivered
lecture on why feminists must be militant [P20:11
|
PWT2:187-90]
- And the English physician Almroth E. Wright published book in which he
argued The
Unexpurgated Case Against Woman Suffrage [P20:15]
- 1914wi:English Fabian activist Mabel Atkinson
delivered lectures which demanded the combination of women's social and
political rights with the general progressive,
scientific platform of the socialist movement [CWC:35-54]
- Library of Congress website on
USA suffrage
movement
- WW1 was about to interrupt the
quarter-century-long US Progressive Movement, but "progressivism" was
becoming a global phenomenon
- 1914:M.I. Pokzovskaya, Working Conditions for Women in the Factories
[P20:95]
- Celebration of "International
Women's Day" marked the beginning of the end of the Russian old regime
- 1914:1915; Russian woman writer Marina Tsvetaeva wrote poem for Sofia
Pamok on friendship [BRW:143-50]
\\
*--Joni Lovenduski and Jill Hills, eds.,
The Politics of
the Second Electorate: Women and Public Participation, Britain, USA, Canada,
Austria, France, Spain, West Germany, Italy, Sweden, Finland, Eastern Europe,
USSR, Japan | ch.3:33-51 (USA) ch.13:278-98 (USSR)
*--Donald B. Meyer,
Sex and Power: The
Rise of Women in America, Russia, Sweden, and Italy
*--Julia Bush,
Women Against the Vote: Female Anti-suffragism in Britain
*--Rose Glickman, Russian Factory
Women: Workplace and Society 1880-1914
<>1913my29
(NS):Paris | Russian composer Igor Stravinsky "Rite of Spring" ballet caused
riots when premiered
[Youtube ballet]
*--Sergei Diaghilev's Ballet Russe staged the performance
[W]
*--Diaghilev, "Complex Questions: Our Imaginary Decadence" [RRS:81-90]
1913:Paris. Vaslav Nijinsky
danced in "Afternoon of a Faun"

*--YouTube
footage illustrating Stravinsky's biography
*--With the outbreak of WW1, Stravinsky went into permanent exile from his
homeland. He was to become perhaps the most important composer of the 20th
century. He did not return, even for a visit, until a tumultuous
half century had passed
*--In
he two decades before the outbreak of WW1, Russian fine arts established
themselves at the forefront in a fantastic epoch of European high cultural and
pop-art creativity, this on the eve of the great European catastrophe, WW1
1914sp:Berlin Frühlings-Schau [Spring Exhibition] poster

\\
*--Wagar
on early 20th-century Russian arts [3
paragraph TXT]
<>1914ja:Russian Prime
Minister was again
Ivan Goremykin. Eight months before the outbreak of WW1, power was shifting
toward anti-Witte/anti-Stolypin factions
*--The Finance Ministry fell into the hands of insider profiteers, ready to rig
imperial procurement in ways that allowed large sums of state revenue to flow
into their pockets
<>1914fe:Russian statesman
Petr Durnovo memo on futility of war with Germany
[TXT | Excerpts =
VSB,3:793-8 | GRH:3-23 |
DIR2:450-66 |
RRC2,2#42]
*--The old police official and ex-Interior Minister was at the
end of his career, but he saw that the Russian Empire might be too
<>1914ap:USA CO, Ludlow
mining region | US troops opened fire on striking miners and their families
temporarily housed in an encampment set up by the Rockefeller Co. The episode
came to be known as "The Ludlow Massacre"
*--This US military attack on US
wage-labor was commemorated in a song written by Oklahoma-born folk singer
Woody Guthrie [TXT
|
SOUND SNIPPET]
<>1914je28 (NS):Yugoslavia, Sarajevo | Heir to
the Austrian imperial throne, Archduke Franz Ferdinand assassinated by Serbian
nationalists. Borijove Jevtic, a conspirator in the plot, described events [Web
|
Eye:441-4]
- 1914jy21 (NS):Belgrade | Austrian ambassador
Baron von Giesl delivered Austrian Response to the assassination [P20:59]
- Austrian imperialists saw this as an evil act of
terror with Europe-wide political/military implications
- The Serbian resistance movement saw in it something of a local triumph
- World War One, the Europe-wide catastrophe that had been looming for
years, now was triggered
- Local South-Slavic national independence,
the century-long dream, was permanently injured as the agony of
Yugoslavia stretched into the 20th century and beyond
<>1914jy29 (NS):Paris
| Last meeting of the International Bureau of the Second International. European
socialists tried unsuccessfully to control rising patriotic fervor in their own
midst as WW1 loomed [CWC:69-82]
- 1914jy30 (NS):French socialist leader of immense popular appeal, Jean
Jaurès
[pix]
[pix]
[pix], was assassinated by a fanatical French patriot. An idealist,
Jaurès sought to reconcile Marxist materialism with his own philosophy. He
did not promote revolution. Instead he worked for progressive and peaceful
international and inter-class relations. He defended Dreyfus
[ID] and worked for the separation of church and state. He believed that
political democracy and economic socialism were compatible and were a
practical possibility in his time. He struggled against the forces of war
growing stronger by the day within the European capitalist
political-economies, as well as within the ranks of social-democracy. He
advocated diplomatic rather than militaristic resolution of the crisis in
Europe. The crisis, in his view, was caused by European policy itself. The
long and futile career of Jean Jaurès ended when he was killed on the
very eve of the great catastrophe, WW1
- Socialist and
wage-labor movements in Europe and North America faced a great crisis.
Chauvinistic patriotism [aggressive identification of national grandeur with
the military assertiveness of one's own nation-state] spread among the
working people. Chauvinistic patriotism dissolved factional struggle of
wage-labor with employers into a general stew of national bellicosity.
Chauvinistic patriotism displacing whatever internationalism the movements
had been able to impart over the previous decades. French and German workers
ceased to be brothers and became to one another ridiculous "frogs" and
beastly "huns". The people flocked to the flag to sacrifice themselves in
this vast and holy struggle
- European social-democracy and the
Second International were dealt a blow from which they were only very
slowly able to recover. Militarism trumped socialism, but it also devoured
the remains of post-Napoleonic European "conservatism" and
liberalism, at least for the time being. In general, the command
imperative -- the virtues of disciplined management and control -- was first
adumbrated in the France of Louis Napoleon
[ID] and brought to even higher levels of efficiency under Bismarck in
Germany
[ID]. It was now amplified in the second industrial revolution
[ID] and honed to perfection in the imperialized world
[ID]. With the outbreak of WW1, it took center stage, and the cost to
Europe was staggering =
<>1914au01:1918mr;
World War One represented the second big step of European imperialist
militarism, out of the non-European world and back into the heart of Europe
itself. The first step occurred only two years earlier
- African anti-imperialist leader from
Nyassaland, John Chilembwe (1871?-1915) saw the ironic relationship of Europe's WW1
to its colonial imperialism [BNE:293-4]
- In Europe, WW1 lasted four years and three months and had two fronts,
eastern and western [W#1]
[W#2]
- War on the eastern front lasted three years and seven months, until 1918mr
- War on the western front lasted eight more months, until 1918no
- Consider the vast consequences of this fact = the two fronts fell quiet
at different times and for very different reasons
[EG]
- Eight million, five-hundred and fifty-five thousand died in 1563 days of
modern industrial total warfare
- Follow hypertext LOOP on "battlefield"
to highlight some key military moments in WW1
- In the largest sense, the war pitted two coalitions of sovereign nation
states against one another =
- "The Triple Entente" (England, France and Russia). They were known
later as "Allies" when Italy and USA joined this coalition)
- "Central Powers" (Germany, Austria and
Ottoman Turkey)
- Every major European capital welcomed the
prospect of war with mass "patriotic" demonsterations =
- St.Petersburg, in the days before actual outbreak. was gripped in
war frenzy, as described by Sergei N. Kurnakov [Eye:448-50]
- Paris| Roland Doregelès, "That Fabulous Day" [P20:60]
- Vienna| Stefan Zweig, "The Rushing Feeling of Fraternity" [P20:62
|
PWT2:266-7]
- Berlin|
Philipp Scheidemann, "The Hour We Yearned For" [P20:63
|
PWT2:267-8]
- London| Bertrand Russell, "Average Men and Women Were Delighted
at the Prospect of War" [P20:64]
- SOON euphoria waned =
- International catastrophe of WW1 was the
setting within which the Russian old regime fell and out of which Soviet
revolutionary events were born =
- In the 77 years from WW1 to 1991, those who sought "liberal" or
"social-democratic" transformation of Russian social/service hierarchies
fought an uphill battle
- Total war and total statism brought an end to the
200-year history of Russian Imperial social/service hierarchies
- Over the next 77 years, those who would build much more powerful,
hyper-modernizing social/service hierarchies flourished [follow LOOP
Stalinism]
- War-time origins of Russian revolutions [LOOP]
- GO
1917mr02 for the first decisive revolutionary turning point in WW1
- GO
1917oc25 for the second
- At first, many welcomed the war with enthusiasm = Mikhail
Rodzianko, St. Petersburg [VSB,3:831
|
DIR3:511]
- Many participants in events later described their impressions and
offered their interpretations =
- S. A. Korff,
Autocracy and Revolution in Russia (1923)
- G. T. Marye,
Nearing
the End in Imperial Russia (1929)
- A. A. Mossolov,
At the Court of the
Last Tsar, ... 1900-1916 (1935)
- P. P. Gronsky and N. I. Astrov,
The War and the
Russian Government (1929)
- Bernard Pares,
The Fall of
the Russian Monarchy: A Study of the Evidence (1939; a secondary
work, based on personal experience in Russia and filled w/ long quotes from
primary documents) [More
Pares]
\\
*--Robert Palmer and Joel Colton, in their 1950s
general textbook A History
of the Modern World, offered this description and evaluation of the
culture out of which this war [WW1] emerged and the damage done to that culture
by war's end =
All the belligerent governments during the war attempted to control ideas as
they did economic production. Freedom of thought, respected everywhere in
Europe for half a century, was discarded. Propaganda and
censorship became more effective than any government, however despotic,
had ever been able to devise. No one was allowed to sow doubt by raising any
basic questions. [...] People were trapped in a nightmare whose causes they
could not comprehend. Each side wildly charged the other with having started
the war from pure malevolence. The long attrition, the fruitless fighting,
the unchanging battle lines, the appalling casualties were a severe ordeal
to morale. Civilians, deprived of their usual liberties, working harder,
eating dull food, seeing no victory, had to be kept emotionally at a high
pitch. Placards, posters, diplomatic white papers, schoolbooks, public
lectures, solemn editorials, and slanted news reports conveyed the message.
The new universal literacy, the mass press, the new moving pictures, proved
to be ideal media for the direction of popular thinking. Intellectuals and
professors advanced complicated reasons, usually historical, for loathing
and crushing the enemy. In Allied countries the Kaiser was portrayed as a
demon, with glaring eyes and abnormally bristling mustaches, bent on the mad
project of conquest of the world. In Germany people were taught to dread the
day when Cossacks and Senegalese should rape German women and to hate
England as the inveterate enemy which inhumanly starved little children with
its blockade. Each side convinced itself that all right was on its side and
all wrong, wickedness, and barbarity on the other. An inflamed opinion
helped to sustain men and women in such a fearsome struggle. But when it
came time to make peace
[ID] the rooted convictions, fixed ideas, profound aversions, hates, and
fears became an obstacle to political judgment.
*--CRH:311-335|
Melissa Stockdale, "The Russian Experience of the First World War"
*--Aaron J. Cohen, Imagining the Unimaginable: World War, Modern Art, and the
Politics of Public Culture in Russia, 1914-1917 (2008:Nebraska)
*--Boris L. Pasternak, Doctor Zhivago (a historical novel)
*--Alexander I. Solzhenitsyn, August 1914 (a historical novel)
*--Mikhail Sholokhov, Quiet Flows the Don (Made
into a movie)
*--W. Rutherford, The Russian Army in World War I (1975)
<>1914au04 (NS):Berlin |
Hugo Haase, the influential leader of the largest
political party in Germany, the Social Democrats, delivered a speech to the
German Reichstag [parliament]. He tried to explain why his party seemed to
reverse itself and vote for war credits in support of the German Imperial Army
as WW1 broke out [CWC:83-7]
- Haase did not personally support the war. He agreed with the European
socialist and labor position = The war was in the interests of European
imperialist and militarist forces; the war could mean the death knell to
social democracy and the negation of
the previous half-century of wage-labor activism
- He did, however, accept the nationalistic, German-patriotic argument
that the war might have positive progressive consequences, because it was
directed against evil Russian despotism
- The "ism" of nationalism had become stronger than the "ism" of socialism
- Thus ended the
Second International, which had built on the legacy of the
First International
- A half decade later, after WW1 in 1919, a very different sort of
international took up the cause =
The Third International or Comintern, under the control first of Lenin
then Stalin and the USSR
- Over the next 25 years, moderate
socialism and tightly constrained labor movements managed however to eke
out a certain existence for themselves. Emerging European statism encroached
on their independence
- The 19th-century
liberal tradition (which was never comfortable with
wage-labor activism) seemed to have lost its bounce
<>1914au08(NS):Russian
State Duma met in special session
*--Three memoir accounts of this extraordinary session = French Ambassador
Georges Maurice Paléologue, Mikhail Rodzianko, and Pavel
Miliukov [VSB,3:831-3]
<>1914au09:All-Russian
Union of Cities founded at a congress of city mayors in the first days of WW1,
suggesting (falsely) that
urban political culture might strengthen under conditions of modern total
war
- A few days later, an All-Russian Union of Zemstvos formed with much the
same goal = to mobilize social forces to the cause of world war, to
supplement woefully inadequate efforts of government officials [VSB,3:840-1].
War was just too important to be left to generals, or even to government
officials. Total war required total social commitment as well as official
governmental commitment
- 1914jy:England | No doubt about it, modern total war was big business.
Osbert Sitwell described confronting Basil Zaharoff [English pseudonym of
Basileios Zacharias], one of the great millionaire European armaments
dealers ("merchants of death") [Eye:444-5]
The English made Zaharoff a Knight Grand Cross of the Order of the Bath
after WW1
- 1914:1915; England, London | Russian born
historian Pavel Vinogradov [Paul Vinogradoff here] published works
[ID] designed to show the English that they were allied with a people of
significant democratic potential. Russians languished under tsarist
authority, but longed for democracy in a way the "Western" allies could
applaud. Vinogradov had been a professor at Moscow University until his
resignation in protest over government repression. He emigrated to England
where he became professor at Oxford University. A
half-century of Russian university activism had by this time put higher
education near the center of the fledgling Russian civil society, and
Vinogradov wanted everyone to know that Russian civil society found roots in
deep native traditions
- War-time conditions in Russia, as well as in other belligerent nations,
did not promote local independence but rather evolution of
state-centered social, economic and military mobilizations, early
versions of the modern "military-industrial
complex"
[ID]. On both the
eastern front and the western front 19th-century
liberal traditions came under fire (so to speak)
- Semen Zagorskii,
State Control of Industry During the War
- The first months of WW1 were a time of great patriotic outpouring, but
many Russians perceived that the war was an international catastrophe that
might provide an opportunity for modern national transformation [LOOP
on war-time origins of Russian revolutions]
\\
*2004:SlR#37,1:| Thomas Fallows, "Politics and the War Effort in Russia: The
Union of Zemstvo and the Organization of the Food Supply, 1914-1916"
*--Tikhon Polner et al., eds.
Russian Local
Government during the War, and the Union of Zemstvos (1930)
*--Michael T. Florinsky, The
End of the Russian
Empire (1931; a secondary work filled with long quotes from primary
documents)
*--R. Pearson,
The Russian
Moderates and the Crisis of Tsarism, 1914-1917 (1977)
<>1914au:Belgium
suffered swift destruction of its fortresses by German Imperial artillery,
notably at Liege [TXT] and very soon after
at Brussels [TXT], then
Louvain [TXT]. Modern industrial-grade warfare shocked old-fashioned noble
sensibilities about battle
- 1914au21: Brussels (the capital of the technically neutral country
Belgium) was run over by German forces on their way to the strategic Channel
ports and Paris. Richard Harding Davis described events [Eye:445-8]
- After the fall of Belgium, German intellectuals defended German war
actions
[TXT]
- 1914au23:1914au30; Victory in Belgium was followed two days later by
victory on the Eastern Front against Russian Imperial armies. Russia
suffered a massive collapse at the "Second Battle of Tannenberg"
[W]
(*1410:First
battle of Tannenberg ID)
<>1914se03:Paris ordered
evacuated (prematurely)
[W]. Taxis
delivered fresh recruits to the critical battlefield that would decide the fate
of the great French capital city. But that battle did not take place. The battle
of the Marne was a vastly destructive and bloody victory for the French (with
timely help from the British)
- For Germany the war in the west was not the desired swift victory, such
as was recommended in the Schlieffen Plan. In the west, the war was already
starting to bog down in trench warfare. Huge battles loomed in the east.
Germany would now have to fight on two fronts, west and east, splitting its
troops and materiel in half
- 1914se12:European western front | Brigadier General E.L. Spears
described how a French General convinced a soldier, soon to die before a
firing squad for deserting his post, that his death was in its way patriotic
[Eye:450-1]
<>1914se09:German
Chancellor Bethmann-Hollweg outlined German war aims in which the treatment of
European neighbor territories resembled German treatment of its imperialist
domains in Central
Africa [BNE:208-11]
<>1914se22:German submarine attacks extended the
modern
battlefield under the sea
[W]
<>1914fa:German WW1
effort enhanced by creation of Kriegsrohstoffabteilung [KRA or Wartime
Raw Materials Division], a hybrid civilian/military institution
- KRA was designed for effective
military mobilization of economic and military resources for the great
war. It drew private enterprise into tight association with government
- Brilliant industrialist Walther Rathenau (1867-1922) headed this early
example of modern "military-industrial
complex"
- Soon Rathenau was out and the German high command took full control over
the institution
- 1915:Rathenau reported on KRA to a political group called "German
Society 1914" [CWC:117-32]
<>1914no05:Petrograd |
Five Bolshevik deputies in Fourth
State Duma arrested
<>1914no10:Belgium, first
battle around the town
Ypres resulted in startling casualties on all sides
*--For German veterans in the post-WW1 years, this event was mythologized and
made into a sacred moment of German militaristic valor
[EG]
<>1915:1916; Petrograd |
Police surveillance on
Rasputin revealed ribald details in the everyday life of the Empress'
favorite holy man [VRX:21-56]
\\
*--Elem
Klimov historical film about Rasputin,
Agoniia
<>1915:German
(Czech-born) writer Franz Kafka published "The Metamorphosis"
[TXT]
<>1915:London | An
elite, insider group of English public men formed "The Round Table" and began
publication of think-tank style analysis of official English policy in time of
war
*--They took the shocking impressions of the terrible war as a basis for
projecting a post-war era in which many of the members of this "private" club
were to play an important role [CWC:102-117]
<>1915:1917;
Austrian psychologist Sigmund Freud delivered series of lectures at the
University of Vienna which came to be known as his General Introduction to
Psychoanalysis [CCS:73-113
and
CCS,1:213-53, also includes some later general descriptions by Freud. Other
Freud texts in
BMC1:611-17]
*--Freud
also began to address
everyday life questions about broader public issues, e.g., "Thoughts for the
Times on War and Death" (1915) [CWC:155-75
|
CCS:179-200 |
BPE:617-36]
<>1915ja18:Japan
confronted China with 21 demands [RWP1,3:224-8]
*1915mr15:US Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan responded
*1915my11:Bryan outright rejected
Japanese intentions in
China and reaffirmed "Open Door" policy
<>1915ja19:ja30;
German air attacks on ports in East Anglia extended the modern battlefield into
the skies. Submarine attacks at sea continued
<>1915mr18:English-French
attack on Ottoman Turkish Empire (an ally of Germany and other Central Powers)
at Dardanelles failed
- Great battle at Gallipoli lasted ten months. Allies landed 500,000
troops, of whom 300,000 fell as casualties in this ill-conceived and lost
cause [W]
- Ottoman Turkish commander
Mustafa Kemal became a national hero as his forces slaughtered British
troops (most of whom were colonials, not Englishmen)
- 1915je:Ottoman Empire | Gallipoli assault described by Leonard Thompson
[Eye:451-3]
- The attack was a gross failure, resulting in almost 214,000 casualties
among the soldiers from the British Commonwealth
- Note how England devoted attention to battlefields outside Europe, in
territories essential to British imperial power
- EG = Six months before the Gallipoli disaster (1914fa) British forces
landed at the southern tip of Iraq at the mouth of the Tigris and Euphrates
rivers (where they flow together and into the Persian Gulf). This vital
territory was administered from the city Basra. After WW1 the British saw to
the creation there of a "nation" that has become known as "Kuwait"
- 1915oc24:England cultivated rebellious spirit among Arabic subjects of
the Ottoman Empire, but not among the Turkish subjects. England presenting
itself as a liberator of the peoples of modern-day Syria, Iraq, Kuwait,
Saudi Arabia and other areas, playing on the ethnic tensions between Turks
and Arabs [BNE:295-6]
- 1915no:British colonial and military officials accepted the failure of
their invasion to take all of Iraq from the Ottoman Empire. For the time
being, they laid claim to Basra
- 1916wi:English diplomat Mark Sykes met with
French counter-part François George-Picot, who brought the French ambassador
to Russia, Maurice Paléologue, into the discussion. These three devised the
“Sykes-Picot Agreement” which proposed to slice up all but a small
portion of the core territory of the Ottoman Empire =
- “The sick man of Europe” was terminal, and these "western" allies were
ready now -- after a half century of "life-support" -- to assist in what
they thought of as some sort of diplomatic "death with dignity". These
allies were confident that they would be the main heirs of Ottoman demise.
Among these ambitious imperialist schemers, however, Sykes especially feared
home-grown, nationalistic, progressive- and independent-minded Mustafa Kemal
and the “Young Turks”
[ID] who rose up among the ruins of the old Ottoman Empire. He perceived
how these Young Turks threatened “western interests” simply by pursuing
their and Turkey's own. They intended to be the main heirs of Ottoman demise
- The English and the French pressed their imperialistic claims to the
Ottoman inheritance, as did Russia, who had to be tossed some sort of bone
in this largely "Western" inspired process. The Agreement would have left
very little to "Turkey". If this dismemberment of the old Ottoman Empire had
worked, it would have served well the interests of England and France, with
little sops in the direction of imperialist allies Russia and Italy
- 1916my16:England and France hammered out a bilateral agreement (their
arrogance now excluded other WW1 allies). They agreed on how they would
divide between them the
Ottoman Turkish Empire's Arabic territories [BNE:296-8
|
MAP#1 |
MAP#2 | [MAP#3].
Notice the far south-west corner of the map where a specific scheme was
proposed to create an internationally administered territory for the
relocation of European Jews after WW1
<>1915ap22::Germans the
first to use poison gas in the early hours of the unending
Battle of Ypres
*--Engineering
sciences and industrial technology contributed to modern
battlefield effects
[W]
<>1915my27:Russian
Congress of War Industries Committee formed to promote entrepreneurial
cooperation with the imperial state in the mobilization of the Russian economy
for modern total war
-
Aleksandr Guchkov was president through its stormy two years of
existence
- The Association of Industry & Trade issued a resolution on the question
of needed coordination of economic efforts in war time [McC1:79-81]
- G/Shotwell
- General M. A. Beliaev informed the French ambassador, "You know all
about the dearth of munitions. [...] Just think! In several infantry
regiments which have taken part in the recent battles at least one third of
the men had no rifles. These poor devils had to wait patiently, under a
shower of shrapnel, until their comrades fell before their eyes and they
could pick up their arms" [VSB,3:835]
- General Sir Alfred Knox,
With the Russian
Army, 1914-1917 (1921) reported much the same (v1:282 ff.) [Excerpts
VSB,3:836-40]
- GO 1915jy
\\
*--MERSH
("War Industries Committee" & "Labor Groups of the War Industries Committee")
*--Lewis H. Siegelbaum,
The Politics of Industrial Mobilization in Russia, 1914-1917
<>1915je01:Germany
launched first Zeppelin attack on London. A major world capital briefly became a
battlefield
*1915su:Eyewitness accounts of scenes from the
battlefield on the western and eastern fronts [Eye:453-6]
*1915de19:Allied retreat described [Eye:456-7]
<>1915jy:Russian
wartime mobilization aided by formation of
Zemgor [an acronym formed by combining Zemstvo + gorod (city),
signifying an organization that combined rural and urban groups, a nation-wide
expression of civil society]
\\
*--McC1:77-9
<>1915au:Russia | Special war council created to
address needs for military mobilization [GRH:123]
<>1915au12:Russian State
Duma Chairman Rodzianko appealed to the tsar to reconsider his decision to
relieve and personally replace Grand Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich as commander in
chief of Imperial Russian forces
- Rodzianko begged Nicholas II "not to subject your sacred person to the
dangers in which you may be placed" at the front. He made so bold as to urge
that the war had created such a crisis that it might drag Nicholas down if
he were to associate himself with it
- Then Rodzianko even more boldly proposed, "Reassure troubled and already
alarmed minds by forming a government from among those who enjoy your
confidence and are known to the country by their public activities" [VSB,3:844-5]
- The war forced Octobrist Party member
Rodzianko into close political alliance with the arch
liberal Miliukov, a leading member of the
KDs
<>1915au17:Russian universities dealt with
admission of women [BRW:192-3]
<>1915au25:Russian
State Duma faction, Progressive Bloc, issued a strong anti-governmental
program, signed by V. A. Bobrinskii, V. N. L'vov, I. I. Dmitriukov,
Sergei Shidlovskii, I. N. Efreimov.
Pavel Miliukov, D. D. Grimm, and Baron V. Meller-Zakomel'skii [GRH:134-6 |
McC1:71-3 |
DIR2:475-6 |
DIR3:515-17 |
VSB,3:845-7]
- Grand Prince Nikolai Nikolaevich, uncle to tsar Nicholas II, was the
supreme commander of Russian troops
- While the Grand Prince inherited Peter the Great's physical stature, he
did not inherit Peter's leadership ability
- Emperor Nicholas II went to the front in order to take his uncle's
place, thus installing a tsar-commander without stature or ability
- Nicholas' decision to take personal command over a failing war effort
was a serious blow to the prestige of the tsar. This fateful move did not
improve the quality of military command at General Headquarters. In
addition, war failures could now be laid directly at the feet of the Emperor
- Amazing debate in Russian Council of Ministers showed disorder at the
highest levels of Russian statecraft [A. N. Yakhontov,
Prologue to
Revolution]
- The
eastern front was sapping Russian political vitality while it brought
new life to war profiteers and opportunists
<>1915se:Russian War Industries Committee and
Association of Industry & Trade aided wartime effort [VSB,3:841-2
|
GRH:124]
<>1915se:Russsia |
Zemgor resolution [GRH:149] More resolutions [DIR3:517-19]
showed vigorous public effort to aid in
military mobilization
<>1915se26::1916my03;
Aleksei Khvostov, a member of the
Black Hundreds and leader of rightist factions in the Fourth Duma, was
appointed Interior Minister
*--Khvostov diverted huge sums from the state treasury to the support of cronies
and their radical rightist publications
*--War-time origins of Russian revolutions
LOOP
<>1915se29::USA loaned
$500M to England and France. The financing of modern war took its dimensions
from the giganticism of the second industrial revolution
[W]
<>1915oc:German
socialist journal Der Kampf [The struggle] published Social Democrat
Rudolf Hilferding's "Co-Partnership of Classes?", an attack on the moderate
party members who supported the war and an explanation of his rational
socialist order in which big corporations and businesses would have a role [CWC:87-102]
<>1915no:Russian sailor
rebellion [VRX:57-70]
*--The international battlefield on the
eastern front threatened to become a domestic
battlefield
*--The western front also experienced military/civilian disorder as the
monstrous actualities of modern industrialized war became clearer to all
*--War-time origins of Russian revolutions [LOOP]
<>1916:Russsian author
Andrei Belyi published his novel
Petersburg,
a powerful piece of political fiction which explored in most creative ways the
meaning of the 1905 Revolutionary period
<>1916:Swiss Protestant
theologian, a leader of a "neo-orthodox" movement in his church, Karl Barth
delivered an address "The Righteousness of God" [BMC1:667-70
|
BMC4:664-7]
<>1916ja31:The Great
Zeppelin Raid showed the potential of that military technology
[W]
<>1916fe05:Switzerland,
Zurich | Hugo Ball, German avant-garde theater director, opened the Cabaret
Voltaire
- Ball was a critic of WW1 and dissenter from the bourgeois culture that
nurtured industrial militarism His cabaret was located in a Zurich
neighborhood known to various counter-culture innovators, e.g., James Joyce
and Vladimir Ilich Lenin. But it was also a neighborhood of international
war profiteers and covert spies
- The cabaret soon became the matrix of a shocking anti-establishment
artistic movement. Its leading exponents -- the Alsatian Hans Arp and
Romanian Tristan Tzara -- named the movement “Dada”. No one was sure
what “Dada” meant, but many associated it with the Slavic expression
“Yes-yes” = Da, da
- An early Dada manifesto emphasized the unconscious, chaotic and
irrational elements of creativity in the fine arts [CWC:368].
Here are some excerpts, with SAC editor intervention to enhance clarity of
this loose composition =
Every product of disgust capable of becoming a negation of the family =
Dada
A protest with the fists of its whole being engaged in destructive
action = Dada
Knowledge of all the means rejected up until now by the shamefaced sex
of comfortable compromise and good manner = Dada. Abolition
Of logic, which is the dance of those impotent to create = Dada
Of every social hierarchy and equation set up for the sake of value by
our valets = Dada
Every object, all objects, sentiments, obscurities, apparitions and the
precise clash of parallel lines are weapons for the fight = Dada.
Abolition
Of memory = Dada. Abolition
Of archeology = Dada. Abolition
Of prophets = Dada. Abolition
Of the future = Dada
Absolute and unquestioning faith in every god that is the immediate
product of spontaneity = Dada
Elegant and unprejudiced leap from a harmony to the other sphere =
Trajectory of a word tossed like a screeching phonograph record =
To respect all individuals in their folly of the moment =
Whether it be serious, fearful, timid, ardent, vigorous, determined,
enthusiastic =
To divest one’s church of every useless cumbersome accessory =
To spit out disagreeable or amorous ideas like a luminous waterfall, or
coddle them --
With the extreme satisfaction that it doesn’t matter in the least --
With the same intensity in the thicket of one’s soul --
Pure of insects for blood well-born, and gilded with bodies of
archangels
Freedom = Dada Dada Dada
A roaring of tense colors, and interlacing of opposites and of all
contradictions, grotesques, inconsistencies = LIFE
- Influenced by Italian “Futurists”
[ID], the Dada movement refused to go the direction of Futurists into
the glorification of irrational chauvinistic militarism. On the contrary,
Dada sought to bring and end to war and the pull down the civilization that
depended on it. They were pacifists, draft dodgers and political émigrés
from many points of the European compass. They were international and
internationalists
- Culture could thus also be seen occasionally as a battlefield
- The movement attracted the French painter Marcel Duchamp
[ID]
- Hugo Ball wrote a diary/memoir,
Flight Out of
Time (1996)
- The Dada
Reader: A Critical anthology
- Herschel B. Chipp, ed.,
Theories of Modern
Art: A Sourcebook by Artists and Critics (1973)
- Robert Motherwell, ed.,
The Dada
Painters and Poets
- Dada exerted influence on European artistic movements for
almost two decades
\\
*2006au10:NYR:10, the poet Charles Simic wrote about Dada = “Their revulsion at
the butchery of the Great War, in which about ten million men died, over twenty
million were wounded, and several hundred thousand lost limbs and sight, had a
lot to do with what Dada was to become”
<>1916fe21:Battle of Verdun
[W] had raged for
days and now became a colossal
battlefield. The battle consumed 78 divisions and caused 350,000 casualties
(wounded, dead or otherwise lost from the ranks)
<>1916fe:German
journal Die Frau [The woman] published
Max Weber, "The Laws of the Gospel and the Laws of the Fatherland" which
sought to explain why Germany had to worship the god of war, in the name of a
great nation's destiny, and why at different times one might worship the god of
the Sermon on the Mount [CWC:151-5]
<>1916fe::Russian Prime
Minister Goremykin relieved of duties,
his long career now at an end
*--Goremykin's replacement was a notably unqualified Boris Stürmer
*--Here, as nearly everywhere, the Russian name "Shtiurmer" is written in the
German orthography to emphasize one of the reasons for wide-spread discontent
associated with his appointment. Another reason for discontent was that
Rasputin played a role in this affair. This was perhaps the moment of
Rasputin's most elevated influence
<>1916ap:At sea,
Adolf K.G.E. von Spiegel described successful U-Boat attack on a steamer [Eye:457-9]
<>1916ap24:ap29 (NS);
Ireland, Dublin General Post Office, headquarters for a weeklong rebellion
against English imperialist rule
- About 1500 revolutionaries seized key British government buildings and
faced a counter-attack by British soldiers, many of them Irish
- A rebel manifesto read, ''In the name of God and of the dead generations
from which she receives her old tradition of nationhood, Ireland, through
us, summons her children to her flag and strikes for her freedom''
- About 450 civilians, soldiers, police and rebels died in the uprising
- Great Britain was in the midst of WW1, therefore Irish independence
seemed traitorous to many, even to many Irish. Fellow Dubliners, especially
wives of the more than 140,000 Irishmen fighting and dying in British
uniform on the western front, cursed rebel survivors who were led away in
handcuffs
- However, British authorities executed 16 rebel commanders and
subordinates, transforming them into martyrs
- W.B. Yeats expressed it this way in his poem "Easter 1916" = ''A
terrible beauty is born''
- The Irish electorate was radicalized in guerrilla warfare for
independence. The Insurrection inspired Ireland's successful war of
independence from Britain
- The international battlefield was unquestionably provoking outbursts on
various domestic
battlefields
<>1916jy:Russian Bolshevik
leader Lenin, "Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism"
[TXT] [CCC3,2:1079-88]
- It shocked many, including Marxists, to read Lenin's analysis of how the
overthrow of capitalism might come as much from the non-European
social-economic formations under imperialist control as from a mature
western European workers movement within a mature capitalist environment
- Lenin insisted that the imperialized non-European world was capitalism's
"soft underbelly". Well into the 20th century, this text was the central
Marxist critique of European imperialism and ushered in a new age of
national liberation movements well beyond the industrializing European world
- 1916mr:Lenin had issued an earlier influential pamphlet, "Socialist
Revolution & the Right of Nations to Self Determination", which harmonized
deeply with -- and possibly had a direct influence on -- post-WW1 efforts to
put the world back together
[EG]
- Russian
Marxism had experienced several ups and downs since the 1880s, but it
now found a way to incorporate the massive issues of war and imperialism
into its industrial-revolutionary ideology
- Unknown to even its most visionary leaders, Lenin's Russian Marxism was
about to insert itself onto center stage of world history.
After twenty years of isolated revolutionary cogitation and factional
in-fighting, Lenin was about to show his remarkable skills of
revolutionary leadership =
In April, 1917, Lenin returned from European exile and opened his campaign
to fill the political vacuum caused by the abdication of Nicholas II
\\
Mayer:298-301 top
<>1916jy01:English and
French troops began the tragic Somme offensive
[W]
- Reverend John M.S. Walker described the 21st Casualty Clearing Station
during the first 3 days of battle [Eye:463-4].
The battle resulted in 419,654 casualties
- 1916se15:Same battlefield saw first use of tanks, English Mark I, built
heavily around the chassis of a USA Holt tractor. Bert Chaney described [Eye:466-7]
- Memoirs of this infamous battle
[W]
- WW1 was bogging down in trench warfare punctuated by occasional and
largely indecisive massive attacks back and forth, straining the capacity of
all belligerents. Unrest in the ranks, and among civilians as well, added to
the threat that the home front might become a battlefield in many locales
<>1916jy:USA journal
Atlantic Monthly 118:86-97 ran
Randolph Bourne's critique of the idea of "assimilation" and defense of a
more pluralistic or multi-cultural approach to citizenship, "Trans-National
America" [TXT]
<>11916oc01:London | Michael MacDonagh described
bringing down a German Zeppelin L31 [Eye:467-9]
*--The
battlefield was becoming very mechanized, very industrialized
<>1916oc:Okhrana
police report on conditions of Russian everyday life [Florinsky,End:133-7,143,165-7,191,214-15
|
DRR:8-12]
<>1916no01:Russian liberal
oppositional leader Pavel Miliukov spoke before the State Dume [McC1:88-90
|
VSB,3:870] He said,
When the Duma declares again and again that the home front
[IE=everyday life] must be organized for a successful war and the government
continues to insist that to organize the country means to organize a revolution,
and consciously chooses chaos and disorganization -- is this stupidity or
treason
Voices from the left of the hall answered Miliukov's rhetorical question,
"It's treason!" Miliukov continued,
In the name of our responsibility to those people who elected
us, we shall fight until we get a responsible government which is in agreement
with the three general principles of our program. Cabinet members must agree
unanimously as to the most urgent tasks, they must agree and be prepared to
implement the program of the Duma majority, and they must rely on this majority
not just in the implementation of this program, but in all their actions.
Miliukov clearly joined the fate of the domestic political home front to the
fate of the international
eastern front of WW1
- Modern total war made the question of
military mobilization much more than a simple military question
- In 1905, Nicholas II and his elite Imperial advisers made fateful
decisions to betray promises embedded in their October Manifesto
- They failed to link the new Russian Council of Ministers with the new
elected and representative Duma
[ID]
- They left it under standard tsarist/bureaucratic absolute control
- By protecting the arbitrary power of the old imperial elite, they
guaranteed a rocky and damaging beginning for parliamentary government in
Russia
[ID]
- Now, ten years later, the betrayal came home to roost. The betrayal
would soon prove fatal to all parties involved in the wartime struggle
- It had massive consequences for Russian and world civilization
- Within a year, the autocracy and the
Duma were swept away
[ID], as were
liberals, conservatives and social democrats
- All political parties but one were defeated in less than one year
after
Miliukov's "treason" speech
[ID]
<>1916no19::Russian State
Duma heard impassioned and sensational attack on Rasputin, delivered by Vladimir
Purishkevich, founding member of the
Union of Russian Peoples, a zealous monarchist and extreme right-wing
delegate to the Duma
- The Duma delegates, right-wing, left-wing, moderate, never mind, they
all shouted Bravo [VSB,3:872-3]
- It was after this speech that Prince Feliks Yusupov approached
Purishkevich with the idea to assassinate Rasputin
<>1916no25:Petrograd
everyday life conditions described by police [1992no29:MNe#48:4]
<>1916de:London | First issue of Russian
Co-operator: a Journal of Co-operative Unity appeared with brief history of
Russian cooperative movement since 1865 [VSB,3:842-4]
<>1916de:Russian rural conditions described in a
letter by Grand Prince Nikolai Mikhailovich to Emperor Nicholas II [DIR3:519-21]
*1916de:Congress of the Nobility issued resolution [DIR3:521-2]
<>1916de16:Petrograd
basement of Prince Feliks Yusupov's palace. High-ranking conspirators, led by
the dashing Prince, murdered Rasputin, bringing an end to his
four years of high court mischief
*--War-time origins of Russian revolutions [LOOP]
\\
Klimov's film AGONIIA portrays the murder in graphic and tense detail
<>1916de19:English
government took over shipping and mining in order to maximize efficiency of
military mobilization. Under certain conditions, laissez faire or market
economics were found inadequate, even in the original home of "capitalist
economics". In this other sense, then, the home front was becoming a
battlefield
<>1917:Central Asia | Tadzhik people and Khanate
of Bokhara lost independence; became vassal to Russia
<>1917:German
industrialist and public figure Walter Rathenau, taking lessons from three years
of
WW1-era military mobilization, designed a model for a thoroughly planned
"New Economy" in his book Von kommenden Dingen [In days to come]
[CCC2,2:818f |
CCC3,2:928-36]
*--The legacy of WW1
military mobilization became a dominant feature of global historical
development over the coming century
<>1917ja07:Nicholas II issued a Special Order of
the Day [DIR3:522]
<>1917fe:French
troops in the trenches on the western front grew restive and soon were in open
rebellion against the dreadful war
- The French military mutinies were put down by Marshal Henri Pétain,
later famous in WW2 as Nazi puppet ruler of southern France
- As in Russia on the
eastern front, so also in France on the western front, modern total
war developed a domestic battlefield all its own
- Pétain's memoirs accounted these WW1 days of soldier rebellion [CWC:132-51]
END OF THE ROMANOV DYNASTY
- 1917fe23:mr02; Eight days of intense
disorder, sometimes called "the February Revolution", eight days in
February that opened eight months of "the Second Russian Revolution"
[1905 = "First"]
[Some background statistics =
McC2:2-7]
- These days were dramatic, but they had long-term causes and
consequences. They cannot be understood independently from the WW1 context =
GO to the beginning of war-time origins of Russian revolutions [LOOP]
<>1917fe23:Russia |
International Women's Day in Petrograd expanded into massive "street level"
demonstrations of war-time working women
- The SD "Inter-district" faction [Mezhraiontsy] issued a proclamation on
this occasion
[TXT]
- Wartime experience, working and fighting (both in international and
internal wars), strengthened women's movements. Women's issues now gripped
all Europe and North America
- 1917:English middle-class woman Naomi Loughnan, Genteel Women in the
Factories [P20:71
|
PWT2:272-4]
- 1916:German woman Magda Trott described Opposition to Female
Employment [P20:73]
- 1916my04:New York Times reported from Russian newspapers about
Russian Women in Combat [P20:73]
- 1917:Russian radical Ariadna Tyrkova, The Emancipation of Women
[DRW:51-7]
- Social and economic protest during the Russian commemoration of
International
Women's Day represented the domestication of the international
battlefield
- International war was becoming internal war; war was becoming
revolution
<>1917fe25:Pskov | From
his
railroad bivouac near the front, Emperor Nicholas II prorogued
Fourth Duma
- This political/institutional event, which stretched over five days,
until
the abdication of Nicholas II, compounded the social and economic
disorder =
- 1917fe25:fe26; Petrograd | Commander of the Petrograd Military
Disctrict, General Sergei Khabalov, reported on conditions of everyday life
[VSB,3:878]
- 1917fe26:Okhranka (political police) reported on conditions of everyday
life
[TXT] Especially critical was the breakdown of food supply [McC2:7-9]
- 1917fe26:Duma President Rodzianko telegrammed Emperor Nicholas II in
Pskov =
The situation is serious. The capital is in a state of anarchy [he means
"chaos"]. The government is paralyzed; the transport service has broken
down; the food and fuel supplies are completely disorganized. Discontent
is general and on the increase. There is wild shooting in the streets;
troops are firing at each other. It is urgent that someone enjoying the
confidence of the country be entrusted with the formation of a new
government. There must be no delay. Hesitation is fatal.
- "Confidence of the country" was a novel consideration for an
establishmentarian politician like Rodzianko. Along with the new demands of
total military-industrial mobilization of national life, and consequently
the militarization of politics in general,
"everyday life" considerations had grown in importance over the previous two
centuries
<>1917fe27 (2:30pm):Petrograd
| Fourth State Duma ignored Nicholas II’s effort to prorogue it [GRH:277-8]
- Instead, the Duma Executive Committee formed a Provisional Committee
[McC2:9-11].
Participant's eyewitness account
[TXT]
- USA Ambassador David Francis reported to State Department [DRR:12-14]
- Rodzianko, now the chair of the Provisional Committee, again telegrammed
Emperor Nicholas II in Pskov [Chamberlin,1:429
|
McC2:11-12 |
StH:16(with letter of Empress to Nicholas II as well)] =
The situation is growing worse. Measures should be taken
immediately as tomorrow will be too late. The last hour has struck, when the
fate of the country and dynasty is being decided.
The government is powerless to stop the disorders. The troops of the
garrison cannot be relied upon. The reserve battalions of the Guard
regiments are in the grips of rebellion, their officers are being killed.
Having joined the mobs and the revolt of the people, they are marching on
the offices of the Ministry of the Interior and the Imperial Duma.
Your Majesty, do not delay. Should the agitation reach the Army, Germany
will triumph and the destruction of Russian along with the dynasty is
inevitable.
<>1917fe27 (7pm):Just
down the hall from the Duma's Provisional Committee in the Taurida Palace,
Petrograd Soviet [Council] of Workers and Soldiers Deputies (summoned
earlier) met for the first time and formed its own Executive Committee [GRH:291-2]
- 1917fe27:fe28; Russian State Council telegraphed Emperor Nicholas II
[GRH:279-80]
- 1917fe27:mr04; Reactions to February Revolution in its first days
[McC1:92-100]
- 1917fe28(02:00):Russian Duma Provisional
Committee issued a proclamation [VSB,3:881]
- 1917fe28:Russian General Alekseev telegrammed gloomy report [McC2:12-13]
- Even before Nicholas passed from the scene, a basis was laid for an
amazing eight-month contest of strength, a situation that came to be called
Dvoevlastie [Dual Power] which pitted the "Provisional Committee"
(and subsequent "Provisional
Governments") against the Petrograd
Soviet of Workers and Soldiers Deputies (and subsequent much-expanded
"Soviets of Workers, Soldiers and Peasants Deputies")
- For better or for worse, a remarkable thing can be said = Only
one public person spoke out clearly and persistently with his answer to
the question, "what's to be done?"
<>1917mr02:Pskov, at the front |
Emperor Nicholas II abdicated in favor of his brother Michael |
[TXT]
[Russian TXT]
[PFM:467-8 | StH:17 | GDR:510-11 | DIR3:524]
- Nicholas did not want the weight of the crown to fall on his hemophiliac son
- Two and a half years of international battlefield
extended the reach of war into the domestic life of belligerent peoples, further than ever before
- Now international and internal war combined to bring down the first of
the great powers. The Russian Empire was a casualty on the eastern front, but the
war did not come to an end. The eastern front
raged on for three more seasons
- Was the domestic revolutionary battlefield created by the international
battlefield of WW1?
- Would that internal war (revolution) have happened with or without WW1?
- Within a matter of just a few days, the
more than 300-year Romanov dynasty was
at its end. The Emperor was finished, and the Empire itself was teetering on the
brink of disintegration and destruction. Imperial Russia collapsed in the midst
of World War One. And even the loyal high command seemed ready to move on to something new =
In all the commanding staff there was not found one man
to take action in behalf of his tsar. They all hastened to transfer to the
ship of the revolution, firmly expecting to find comfortable cabins there.
Generals and admirals one and all removed the tsarist braid and put on the
red ribbon" [Trotsky,1]
- Bernard Pares (1867-1949), an English scholar who
visited Russia and who was closely familiar with Russian political developments
since the 1905 Revolution [ID] was
author of several scholarly first-hand accounts of war and revolution there. He
concluded the following about the 1917 collapse of the old regime =
The story which emerges from this material is as tragic as anything I
have ever known. Following the events throughout while they were
evolving and later filling in one gap after another in my knowledge of
them, I have become quite convinced that the cause of the ruin came not
at all from below, but from above [PFM:24]
HERE'S A PEAK AHEAD =
- International war-time catastrophe and a simmering domestic
revolutionary situation caused the "February Revolution", but the fall of
the old regime did not cure its causes, nor did the subsequent eight-month era
of ineffective "Provisional Governments"
- Eight months after the February Revolution, armed units of the Petrograd Soviet, led by members
of the Bolshevik Party, seized power in an event know as
The Soviet Revolution (also known as "The Bolshevik
Revolution" or "Great October" in Soviet historiography)
- In early 1918, after three months of troubled negotiations, Soviet leaders were forced
to sign a peace treaty with Central Powers at Brest-Litovsk [ID]
- The treaty temporarily stripped from Soviet control much of the western
regions of the old Russian Empire
- By 1921, after more than two years
of revolutionary Civil War, those
territories were partially brought under Soviet rule
- Twenty-five years later, at the end of
WW2 [ID], yet more of the old Imperial
territory was brought under Soviet rule
- Then 45 years after that, in 1991-1992, the Soviet Union, the
successor to the old empire, dissolved [ID]
in one of the most spectacular geo-political transformations of modern world history
Return to top
Next SAC
|
|
|
|
|
|
|
|